Sunday, 31 January 2016

Human Rights Watch report highlights Ethiopia regime’s fear of digital technologies


World human rights body Human Rights Watch says Ethiopia is one of the countries in which state fear of the potential for digital technologies to drive political and social movements, is fostering repression of media, civil protests and civil society organizations.

In 2009, the country enacted legislation (The Charities and Societies Proclamation) banning civil society organizations in human rights and governance, from having more than 10 per cent of their funding from foreign sources.

“An attack on the right of organizations to seek funding abroad is really an attack on organized efforts to hold government to account”, Human Rights Watch says.

According to Human Rights Watch’s report for 2016, Ethiopia in 2015 saw “continuing government crackdowns on opposition political party members, journalists and peaceful protesters, many of whom experienced harassment, arbitrary arrest, and politically motivated prosecutions.

Eighteen leaders of a Muslim protest movement against perceived state interference in religious affairs, were sentenced to between seven and 22 years each, after what Human Rights Watch described as “closed, flawed trials.”

Human Rights Watch says political detainees were tortured and ill-treated by security personnel and though Ethiopia accepted a recommendation at its UN Universal Periodic Review in 2014 to “adopt measures which guarantee the non-occurrence of cases of torture and ill-treatment in places of detention,” there is little to show that security personnel are being investigated or sanctioned for abuses.

Ethiopian authorities have not investigated the use of excessive and lethal force by security personnel during protests by Oromos against the planned expansion of Addis Ababa’s municipal boundary into the Oromia region.

There were a few high-profile prisoner releases ahead of President Barack Obama’s visit to the country in June, including the release of six journalists and bloggers but there was no progress on fundamental reforms of the deeply repressive laws and policies constricting Ethiopia’s media and civil society organizations.

At least 60 journalists are said to have fled the country since 2010 and according to the 2016 human rights report, the media in 2015 “remained under government stranglehold, with many journalists having to choose between self-censorship, harassment and arrest, or exile.”

A 2015 report on the country’s media said Ethiopia has the second highest number of journalists in exile.

In May 2015, federal elections were held in a general atmosphere of intimidation and concerns over the independence of the National Electoral Board.

The ruling party coalition – the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) – won all 547 parliamentary seats in the May elections, partly due to the lack of space for dissenting voices.
According to Human Rights Watch, the Ethiopian government also regularly monitors and records telephone conversations of family members and friends of suspected opposition members, with highly intrusive spyware.

There is also forced displacement of persons during development projects, with little or no compensation and little prior consultation.

Worryingly, the report says Ethiopia continues to receive a lot of development assistance, nearly $3 billion in 2015, and donors do not appear to have strengthened the monitoring and accountability provisions needed to ensure that their development aid does not contribute to human rights problems in the country.

Ghana business news

Tuesday, 26 January 2016

ፍ/ቤቱ በአቶ ዮናታን ተስፋየ ላይ ለ2ኛ ጊዜ 28 ቀን ጊዜ ቀጠሮ ሰጠ

*‹‹ነጻነት ይሰማኛል›› ዮናታን ተስፋየ

በሽብር ወንጀል ተጠርጥሮ በማዕከላዊ ወንጀል ምርመራ ማዕከል በእስር ላይ የሚገኘው የቀድሞው የሰማያዊ ፓርቲ ህዝብ ግንኙነት ኃላፊ አቶ ዮናታን ተስፋዬ ለ2ኛ ጊዜ የ28 ቀን ጊዜ ቀጠሮ ተሰጥቶበታል፡፡

ዛሬ ጥር 17/2008 ዓ.ም አራዳ ፍርድ ቤት የቀረበው አቶ ዮናታን ፖሊስ ምርመራየን አልጨረስኩም በሚል የጠየቀበትን ተጨማሪ ጊዜ ቀጠሮ በመፍቀድ ለየካቲት 15/2008 ዓ.ም ቀጠሮ ተሰጥቷል፡፡ አቶ ዮናታን ተስፋየ የዋስትና መብቱ እንዲከበርለት ቢጠይቅም ፍርድ ቤቱ ሳይቀበለው ቀርቷል፡፡

ፖሊስ በአቶ ዮናታን ላይ ተጨማሪ ጊዜ ቀጠሮ ሲጠይቅ ‹‹የቴክኒክ መረጃዎችን መሰብሰብ ይቀረናል፤ ያልተያዙ ግብረ አበሮችንም አሉ›› የሚል ምክንያት ማቅረቡን የተጠርጣሪ ጠበቃ ገልጸዋል፡፡

አቶ ዮናታን ተስፋየ በጠበቃ እና በቤተሰቦቹ እንዳይጎበኝ እንደተከለከለና ከታሰረበት ክፍል መታፈን የተነሳ የጤና እከል ቢገጥመውም ህክምና እንዳላገኘ ለፍርድ ቤቱ አስረድቷል፡፡ ፍርድ ቤቱም አቤቱታውን አድምጦ በጠበቃውም ሆነ በቤተሰቦቹ እንዲጎበኝ እንዲፈቀድለትና ህክምናም እንዲያገኝ ትዕዛዝ መስጠቱን ከጠበቃው ለማወቅ ተችሏል፡፡

አቶ ዮናታን ከችሎት ሲወጣ በስፍራው ለነበሩት ቤተሰቦቹና ወዳጆቹ ያለውን ፍቅር ገልጾ ‹‹ነጻነት ይሰማኛል›› በማለት ጮክ ብሎ ሲናገር ተደምጧል፡፡

ነገረ ኢትዮጵያ

Sunday, 24 January 2016

ወ/ሮ አና ጎሜዝ የአውሮፓ ህብረት ከኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ ጎን እንደሚቆም ገለጹ

 




የአውሮፓ ህብረት ፓርላማ በኢትዮጵያ መንግስትና በጸጥታ ሃይሎቹ በህዝብ ላይ እየተፈጸመ ያለውን የሰብዓዊ መብት ጥሰት በፅኑ ማውገዙን ተከትሎ የአውሮፓ  ህብረት ፓርላማ አባል ወ/ሮ አና ጎሜዝ የአውሮፓ ህብረት ምንጊዜም ከኢትዮጵያውያን ጎን እንደሚቆም ገለጹ።

የህብረቱ ፓርላማ ዛሬ ባወጣው መግለጫ እንዳስታወቀው በኢትዮጵያ ጸጥታ ሃይሎች የተገደሉ 140 የሚበልጡ ኢትዮጵያውያንን ጉዳይ እንዲያይ፣ እንዲሁም በአዲስ አበባ ማስተር ፕላን  አመጽና ከግንቦት 2007 የፓርላማና የክልል ምርጫ ጋር በተያያዘ የተፈጸሙ እና እየተፈጸሙ ያሉትን የሰብዓዊ መብት ጥሰቶች እንዲመረምር ግልጽ፣ ቀጥተኛና፣ ገልተኛ አጣሪ ቡድን እንዲቋቋም በአጽንዖት ጠይቋል።

ኢሳት የአውሮፓ ህብረት የፓርላማ አባል የሆኑትን አና ጎሜሽን ስለጉዳዩ ማብራሪያ እንዲሰጡን አናግሯቸው ነበር። ወ/ሮ አና ጎሜዝ “የውሳኔ ሃሳቡ በሰባት ሃይል ባላቸው የፖለቲካ ቡድኖች ያለምንም ተቃውሞና ማሻሻያ ተቀባይነት ያገኘ ነው። ፓርላማው በኢትዮጵያ ላይ ባለፉት 10 አመታት በሰብዓዊ መብት፣ በዲሞክራሲ፣ በሰብዓዊ መብት ጥሰት ካሳለፋቸው ጠንካራ ውሳኔዎች የመጀመሪያው ነው” ብለዋል።

ወ/ሮ አና ጎሜዝ  የሰብዓዊ መብት ጥሰት በኦሮሚያ ብቻ ሳይሆን በሌላውም የኢትዮጵያ ክፍል ማለትም ኦጋዴን፣ ጋምቤላ፣ እና በሁሉም የአገሪቱ ክፍሎች በጋዜጠኞች፣ በፖለቲካ ፓርቲ አባላትና በህዝቡ በሲቢክና በእርዳታ ሰጪ ድርጅቶች እየተፈጸመ እንደሆነ የአውሮፓ ህብረት ተገንዝቧል፥ የአውሮፓ ህብረት በኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ ያለው ሁኔታ በዚህ መቀጠል አይችልም የሚል አቋም ይዟል” ሲሉ አክለው አስረድተዋል።

የአውሮፓ ህብረት ፓርላማ በመግለጫው እንዳስታወቀው የኢትዮጵያ መንግስት ባለስልጣናት የመረጃ ፍሰትን አፈና እንዲያቆሙ፣ የሲቪል ማህበረሰብ፣ የመገናኛ ብዙሃን ነጻነት እንዲያጎናጽፉና ነጻ ጋዜጠኞችና የሰብዓዊ መብት ተሟጋቾች በአገሪቷ በሙሉ ነጻነት እንዲንቀሳቀሱ የኢትዮጵያ መንግስት እንዲፈቅድ ጥሪ አቅርቧል።

የአውሮፓ ህብረት እንደብቸኛ ግዙፍ አርዳታ ሰጪ ድርጅት ለኢትዮጵያ የሚሰጠው እርዳታ ለሰብዓዊ መብት አፈና መዋል እንደሌለበት ማረጋገጥ እንደሚኖርበት አሳስቧል።

የአውሮፓ ህብረት የፓርላማ አባል አና ጎሜዝ ለኢሳት እንደተናገሩት የአውሮፓ ህብረት በኢትዮጵያ ላይ የቀረበውን ሃሳብ ያለምንም ማሻሻያ ሙሉ በሙሉ ጸድቋል።

ወይዘሮ አና ጎሜዝ ለኢሳት እንደተናገሩት በአሁኑ ሰዓት በኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ በመንግስት ትዕዛዝ በጸጥታ ሃይሎች በሚደረገው የሰብዓዊ መብት ጥሰት እጅግ በጣም ማዘናቸውን ገልጸዋል።

“ከኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ አብረን እንቆማለን፥ እያሽቆለቆለ በመጣው የሰብዓዊ መብት አያያዝ አሳስቦናል” በማለት  ወይዘሮ አና ጎሜዝ ለኢሳት በስልክ ተናግረዋል።

አሁንም ቢሆን በመሬት ወረራ፣ የሰብዓዊ መብት ጥሰት፣ በመሳሰሉት ሂደቶች በኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ ያለው የሰብዓዊ አያያዝ ሁኔታ እየተበላሸ ሊሄድ እንደሚችል ወይዘሮ አና ጎሜዝ ገምተዋል።

ምንጭ፦ ኢሳት ዜና

Saturday, 23 January 2016

እነ ጌታቸው ሺፈራው ተጨማሪ ጊዜ ቀጠሮ ተሰጠባቸው

*‹‹ከቤተሰቦቻችን ጋር እንዳንገናኝ ተደርገናል›› ተጠርጣሪዎች
*‹‹6 ቀን ደንበኛየን ለማግኘት ተመላልሼ ተከልክያለሁ›› የጋዜጠኛ ጌታቸው ጠበቃ አምሃ መኮንን

በነገረ ኢትዮጵያ ሪፖርተር

በሽብር ወንጀል ተጠርጥረው ከታህሳስ 15/2008 ዓ.ም ጀምሮ በማዕካለዊ ወንጀል ምርመራ በእስር ላይ የሚገኙት እነ ጌታቸው ሺፈራው ፍርድ ቤት ቀርበው ተጨማሪ የጊዜ ቀጠሮ ተሰጥቶባቸዋል፡፡

በእነ ዳንኤል ተስፋየ ስም በተከፈተው የምርመራ መዝገብ ስር የተካተቱት ሦስት ተጠርጣሪዎች አቶ ዳንኤል ተስፋየ፣ አቶ ሸዋታጠቅ ኃ/መስቀል እና ጋዜጠኛ ጌታቸው ሺፈራው ሲሆኑ፣ ተጠርጣሪዎች ዛሬ ጥር 14/2008 ዓ.ም ፌደራል ከፍተኛ ፍርድ ቤት አራዳ ምድብ ቀርበው ፖሊስ ተጨማሪ የምርመራ ጊዜ ይሰጠኝ ብሎ ጠይቆ የ27 ቀናት ጊዜ ቀጠሮ ተሰጥቶባቸዋ፡፡

ፖሊስ ተጨማሪ የምርመራ ጊዜ ቀጠሮ የጠየቀበትን ምክንያት ለፍርድ ቤት ያስረዳ ሲሆን ‹‹የቴክኒክ ማስረጃዎችን ከብሄራዊ ደህንነትና መረጃ ኤጀንሲ ጠይቀን ማስመጣትና ተጨማሪ ግብረ አበሮችን መያዝ ይቀረናል›› ብሏል፡፡

ተጠርጣሪዎች ከተያዙበት ቀን ጀምሮ በማንም እንዳይጎበኙ መከልከላቸውን በማስረዳት ፍርድ ቤቱ ትዕዛዝ እንዲሰጥላቸው ጠይቀዋል፡፡ አቶ ዳንኤል ተስፋዬ፣ ‹‹ከተያዝኩ ጀምሮ ቤተሰቦቼን አይቼ አላውቅም፡፡ እስር ላይ ሆኜ በቀን ለ10 ወይም 15 ደቂቃዎች ነው የጸሐይ ብርሃን የማገኘው፤ ይሄ እንዲስተካከልልኝ ፍርድ ቤቱን እጠይቃለሁ›› ሲል ያመለከተ ሲሆን፣ አቶ ሸዋታጠቅ ኃ/መስቀል በበኩሉ፣ ‹‹ቤተሰቦቼን ያየኋቸው ዛሬ ችሎት ስመጣ ከርቀት ነው፤ ቤተሰቦቼን እንዳይ ይፈቀድልኝ›› በማለት እያነባ ጠይቋል፡፡

ጋዜጠኛ ጌታቸው ሺፈራው ደግሞ በጠበቃው በኩል ያለውን አቤቱታ ለፍርድ ቤቱ አሰምቷል፡፡ ጠበቃው አቶ አምሃ መኮንን ለስድስት ቀናት ማዕከላዊ ደንበኛቸውን ለማነጋገር ቢመላለሱም ከበር ላይ እንዲመለሱ በመደረጋቸው ከደንበኛቸው ጋር ሳይነጋገሩ ፍርድ ቤት መቅረባቸው አግባብ አለመሆኑንና ድርጊቱ ህገ-መንግስቱን የሚጣረስ እንደሆነ ገልጸዋል፡፡

‹‹ደንበኛየን ያገኘሁት አሁን ነው፡፡ ደንበኛየ የምንፈልገውን ነገር ሳናገኝ ከጠበቃህ ጋር አናገናኝህም ተብሏል፡፡ ይህ በህገ-መንግስቱ የተሰጠውን መብት የጣሰ ተግባር ነው፡፡ አሁንም ደንበኛየ፣ ከዚህ በኋላ እኔን ሳያነጋግር ቃሉን ለመስጠት ፈቃደኛ እንዳልሆነ ፍርድ ቤቱ እንዲመዘግብልኝ እፈልጋለሁ›› ሲሉ ጠበቃ አምሃ መኮንን ለፍርድ ቤቱ ገልጸዋል፡፡ ጋዜጠኛ ጌታቸው ሺፈራው እስካሁን በቤተሰብም ሆነ በጓደኞቹም እንዳይጠየቅ መከልከሉ የህግ አግባብ የሌለው የመብት ጥሰት ነው ብለዋል ጠበቃ አምሃ፡፡
ጠበቃ አምሃ ፖሊስ ተጨማሪ ጊዜ የጠየቀበት ምክንያት ደንበኛቸው የዋስትና መብቱ ተከብሮለት ሊከናወን እንደሚችል በማስረዳት የዋስትና መብት እንዲከበርለት ጠይቀዋል፡፡ ፍርድ ቤቱ ግን በሁሉም ላይ ፖሊስ የጠየቀውን የጊዜ ቀጠሮ በመፍቀድ ለየካቲት 11/2008 ዓ.ም ተለዋጭ ቀጠሮ ሰጥቷል፡፡

በተመሳሳይ በሽብር ወንጀል ተጠርጥረው ከሦስት ወራት በላይ በማዕከላዊ በእስር ላይ የሚገኙት በጋሞ ጎፋ አርባምንጭ የሰማያዊ ፓርቲ አስተባባሪዎች እነ ሉሉ መሰለ እና አየለች አበበ ዛሬ ፍርድ ቤት ቀርበው ‹የመጨረሻ› ነው የተባለለትን ተጨማሪ የ28 ቀናት ጊዜ ቀጠሮ ተሰጥቶባቸዋል፡፡

Friday, 22 January 2016

Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) Honours the EU Parliament that it stood up publicly against assaults on Oromo peaceful protesters



Oromo Liberation Front Press Release

On 21st of January all party Groups of European Parliament debated and passed a resolution on the current political situation in Oromia, Ethiopia. Since mid-November 2015 another round of enormous wave of mass protests that started over respect for the right of Oromo People in general and against the expansion of the capital Finfinnee (Addis Ababa) that triggered more to be demanded on the basic fundamental and democratic rights that have been supressed for the last century and half. Instead of looking for the solution the Tigrean People’s Liberation Front (TPLF/EPRDF) led Ethiopian government declared war on the Oromo people and deployed its terrorizing special force (Agazi), the military and the federal police against peaceful Oromo demonstrators and the public at large. In doing so, it put Oromia under martial law tantamount to declaration of a state of emergency. The deployed forces have wantonly killed more than 180 people and wounded hundreds and detained thousands of Oromo farmers, students, teachers, merchants and government employees, including the medical staff trying to treat the overwhelming numbers of the brutalized mass.

Today Oromo nationals from all walks of life – farmers, students, teachers, business persons, entrepreneurs, government employees, engineers, medical doctors, youths, elderly, men, women, children etc. all over Oromia are indiscriminately subjected to brutal tortures, ill treatments and very harsh prison situations by the TPLF/EPRDF government of Ethiopia. Despite all these, the protest and popular defiance is still on-going demanding the fundamental Oromo right to self-determination to be respected and its occupation force to leave Oromia.

Oromo Liberation Front appreciates that the EU parliamentarian for its resolution condemning the TPLF government’s use of violence by the security forces and the increased number of cases of human rights violations in Ethiopia. It also called for a credible, transparent and independent investigation into the killings. However those voices cannot be encapsulated in a single resolution until it results to a meaningful policy change on aid and diplomacy of European Union and its member states to Ethiopia.

The EU has called on the government to stop the harassment of the people, opposition and civil society organizations, and to carry out a permanent and inclusive dialogue with the opposition to implement democratic provisions in practice. Here we note that there is still a missing voice what the protestors are demanding the regime to hand over the state power to peoples in Ethiopia and for a mechanism that ends century old brutal system. The majority of Ethiopian peoples and the Oromo in particular have been living in fear under a very harsh suppression with little hope of freedom and stable life in the near future. For most peoples in Ethiopia, the country has literally been turned into unofficial and open prison. People from all walks of life, age group and gender have been victimized. Although the victims have been multiple and various, the pretext in all cases has been one and the same – to be suspected of being either a member or a supporter of liberation organisations, opposition political parties and simply for not supporting its policies. Consequently change of the government and working for transitional order that respects the right of peoples and democratic rights is not a choice but indispensable.

OLF calls for EU and its member states with other democratic governments to play important role at the national, regional and international levels, in the promotion and protection of human rights by assisting the demand of the Oromo People and other peoples in Ethiopia for fundamental change.
The OLF also reminds the Oromo to step up their struggle for end to century old oppressive system and also call other peoples too to join the Oromo protest for fundamental change.

Victory to the Oromo People !
Oromo Liberation Front
January 22, 2016

የሰማያዊ ኦዲትና ምርመራ ኮሚሽን በእነ ዮናታን ጉዳይ ስራ አስፈጻሚው የወሰደውን አቋም እንደማይቀበለው አስታወቀ

ጥር 2/2008 ዓ.ም በሰማያዊ ፓርቲ ሥነ-ስርዓት ኮሚቴ ውሳኔ ከፓርቲው ተሰናብታችኋል በተባሉት እነ ዮናታን ተስፋየ ላይ የፓርቲው ስራ አስፈጻሚ ጥር 9/2008 ዓ.ም ውሳኔው የፓርቲውን ‹‹ሀሳብና እምነቶች የጣሰና መሰረታዊ የክስ አቀራረብም ሆነ ውሳኔ አሰጣጥን አልተከተለም›› በሚል ውሳኔውን እንደማይቀበለው መግለጹ ደንብን የሚጣረስ በመሆኑ ተቀባይነት እንደሌለው ኦዲትና ምርመራ ኮሚሽን አስታወቀ፡፡

የሰማያዊ ፓርቲ ኦዲትና ምርመራ ኮሚሽን ጥር 12/2008 ዓ.ም ባወጣው መግለጫ፣ የፓርቲው ስራ አስፈጻሚ ከህገ ወጥ ተግባሩ ይታቀብ ሲል ገልጹዋል፡፡ በስነ ስርዓት ኮሚቴው ውሳኔ ቅር የተሰኘ አካል ካለ ይግባኝ ማለት እንደሚችል የገለጸው ኮሚሽኑ፣ ይግባኝ ከቀረበለት የመመርመሩ ኃላፊነት የኦዲትና ምርመራ ኮሚሽን መሆኑን በመግለጽ፣ ስራ አስፈጻሚው የማይመለከተውን መግለጫ ሰጥቷል ሲል ተቃውሞውን ገልጹዋል፡፡

በእስር ላይ የሚገኘውን ዮናታን ተስፋየን በተመለከተ ግን ኦዲትና ምርመራ ኮሚሽኑ ውሳኔውን እንደገና እየመረመረው መሆኑን አስታውቋል፡፡

ነገረ ኢትዮጵያ

Thursday, 21 January 2016

European Parliament condemns Human Rights violations in Ethiopia

European Parliament

European Parliament strongly condemns the recent use of violence by the security forces and the increased number of cases of human rights violations in Ethiopia. It calls for a credible, transparent and independent investigation into the killings of at least 140 protesters and into other alleged human rights violations in connection with the protest movement after the May 2015 federal elections in the country.

It also calls on the Ethiopian authorities to stop suppressing the free flow of information, to guarantee the rights of local civil society and media and to facilitate access throughout Ethiopia for independent journalists and human rights monitors. The EU, as the single largest donor, should ensure that EU development assistance is not contributing to human rights violations in Ethiopia.

Source http://www.europarl.europa.eu/news/en/news-room/20160115IPR10195/Human-rights-EU-seamen-detained-in-India-Ethiopia-and-North-Korea-nuclear-test

Wednesday, 20 January 2016

European Parliament motion for resolution on the situation in Ethiopia

European Parliament"European Parliament, strongly condemns the recent use of excessive force by the security forces in Oromia and in all Ethiopian regions, the increased cases of human rights violations and abuses, including violations of people’s physical integrity, arbitrary arrests and illegal detentions, the use of torture, and violations of the freedom of the press and of expression, as well as the prevalence of impunity…
The European Parliament,

–   having regard its previous resolutions on the situation in Ethiopia
–   having regard to the statement by the EEAS spokesperson on recent clashes in Ethiopia, 23 December 2015
–   having regard to the joint statement by Federica Mogherini, High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy/Vice-President of the European Commission, and Minister of Foreign Affairs Tedros Adhanom of the Federal Republic of Ethiopia, 20 October 2015
–   having regard to the press release on the meeting between the High Representative/Vice-President Federica Mogherini and the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Federal Republic of Ethiopia, Tedros Adhanom, 13 January 2016
–   having regard to the statement by the EEAS Spokesperson on elections in Ethiopia, 27 May 2015
–   having regard to the press release of the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, 10 July 2015
–   having regard to press briefing note of the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, 10 July 2015
–  having regard to the universal Declaration of Human Rights
–   having regard to the African Union Charter of Human and Peoples’ Rights
–   having regard to the UN the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights,
–   having regard to Rule 123(2) its Rules of procedure
————————————–
A) whereas over the past two months , Ethiopia’s largest region, Oromia, has been hit by a wave of mass protests over the expansion of the municipal boundary of the capital, Addis Ababa which has posed risks for farmers eviction from their land;

B) whereas security forces used excessive lethal force and killed at least 140 protesters and injured many more, in what may be the biggest crisis to hit Ethiopia since the 2005 election violence;

C) whereas on the 14 January 2016 the government decided to cancel the disputed large scale urban development plan ; whereas if implemented, the plan will expand the city’s boundary by 20 times its current size; whereas Addis Ababa’s enlargement has already displaced millions of Oromo farmers and trapped them in poverty;

D) whereas the ethnic Oromos continue to suffer particular discrimination and human rights violations in efforts to suppress potential dissent in the region;

E) whereas the Ethiopian authorities arbitrarily arrested a number of peaceful protesters, journalists and opposition party leaders in the context of a brutal crackdown on the protests in the Oromia Region; whereas those arrested are at risk of torture and other ill-treatment;

F) whereas the government’s labelled largely peaceful protesters as ‘terrorists’ deploying military forces against them ;

G) whereas on December 23, the authorities arrested Bekele Gerba, deputy chairman of the Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC); Oromia’s largest legally registered political party; whereas Mr Gerba was being taken in a prison known for torture and other ill-treatment practices and shortly after he was reportedly hospitalized; whereas his whereabouts are now unknown, raising concerns of an enforced disappearance.

H) whereas other senior OFC leaders have been arbitrarily arrested in recent weeks or are said to be under virtual house arrest.

I) whereas last December leading activists such as Getachew Shiferaw (Editor-in-Chief: Negere Ethiopia), Yonathan Teressa (an online activist) and Fikadu Mirkana (Oromia Radio and TV) have been arrested arbitrarily though yet to be charged by the Ethiopian authorities.

J) whereas the current protests echo the bloody events of April and May 2014, when federal forces fired into groups of largely peaceful Oromo protesters, killing dozens; whereas at least hundreds more students were arrested, and many remain behind bars

K) whereas Ethiopia’s government has regularly been accusing people who express even mild criticism of government policy of association with terrorism; whereas dozens of journalists, bloggers, protesters, students and activists have been prosecuted under the country’s draconian 2009 Anti-Terrorism Proclamation.

L) whereas Ethiopia’s government imposes pervasive restrictions on independent civil society and media; whereas according to the Committee for the Protection of Journalist’s (CPJs) 2014 prison census found that Ethiopia was the fourth worst jailer of journalists in the world, with at least 17 journalists behind bars, whereas Ethiopia also ranked fourth on CPJ’s 2015 list of the 10 Most Censored Countries

M) whereas the Ethiopian authorities have routinely summoned to court the “Zone 9 bloggers” with terrorism charges for their writing over the past 2 years.

N) whereas numerous prisoners of conscience, imprisoned in previous years based solely on their peaceful exercise of their freedom of expression and opinion, including journalists and opposition political party members, remained in detention.; whereas these included some convicted in unfair trials, some whose trials continued, and some who continued to be detained without charge, among others Eskinder Nega, Temesghen Desalegn, Solomon Kebede, Yesuf Getachew, Woubshet Taye, Saleh Edris, and Tesfalidet Kidane

O) whereas severe restrictions on external funding continue to undermine the work and effectiveness of non-governmental organisations (NGOs) under the 2009 Charities and Societies Proclamation.

P) Whereas Ethiopia rejected recommendations to amend the Charities and Societies Proclamation and the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation that several countries made during the examination of its rights record under the Human Rights Council Universal Periodic Review in May 2014.

Q) Whereas Andargachew Tsige, a British-Ethiopian citizen and leader of an opposition party living in exile, was arrested in June 2014 while in transit through Yemen’s main airport and forcibly removed to Addis Ababa; whereas Tsige had been condemned to death several years earlier in his absence, and has been in death row practically incommunicado since then; whereas Juan Mendez, the UN special rapporteur on torture, has written to the Ethiopian and UK governments saying he is investigating the treatment of Tsige, following claims that Tsige is being deprived of sleep and held in isolation;

R) Whereas the Ethiopian government has de facto imposed a widespread blockade of the Ogaden region in Ethiopia, rich in oil and gas reserves; whereas attempts to work and report from the region by international media and humanitarian groups are seen as criminal acts, punishable under the anti-terrorist proclamation; whereas there are reports of war crimes and severe human rights violations perpetrated by the Army and government paramilitary forces against the Ogaden population;

S) whereas The Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), the ruling party coalition, won all 547 parliamentary seats in the May 2015 elections, due in part to the lack of space for critical or dissenting voices in the election process; whereas May’s federal elections took place in a general atmosphere of intimidation, and concerns over the lack of independence of the National Electoral Board;

T) Whereas Ethiopia enjoys political support from western donors and most of its regional neighbours, mostly due to its role as host of the African Union (AU) and its contribution to UN peacekeeping, security and aid partnerships with Western countries;

U) whereas Ethiopia receives more aid than any other African country – close to $3bn per year, or about half the national government budget

V) whereas for decades the government have been authorizing big development projects to foreign investors, which have been leading to severe land grabbing and millions vulnerable people often forcibly evicted and insensitively resettling; whereas often the government does not offer the local communities any alternative to permanent settlement and had not fully consulted groups before evicting them.

W) whereas some donors, including UK’s Department for International Development (DFID) and the World Bank, rechanneled funding from the problematic Protection of Basic Services (PBS) program in 2015 which was associated with the abusive “villagization program,” a government effort to relocate 1.5 million rural people into permanent villages, ostensibly to improve their access to basic services; whereas some of the relocations in the first year of the program in Gambella region in 2011 were accompanied by violence, including beatings and arbitrary arrests, and insufficient consultation and compensation

X) whereas Ethiopia is experiencing its worst drought in decades, deepening food insecurity and severe emaciation and unusual livestock deaths; whereas with 640 000 refugees, Ethiopia is the country in Africa with the highest number of refugees; whereas nearly 560 000 people are internally displaced due to floods , violent clashes over scarce resources and drought

Y) whereas the current political situation in Ethiopia and the brutal repression of dissent put a serious risk the security, development and stability in the country;

  1. Strongly condemns the recent use of excessive force by the security forces in Oromia and in all Ethiopian regions, the increased cases of human rights violations and abuses, including violations of people’s physical integrity, arbitrary arrests and illegal detentions, the use of torture, and violations of the freedom of the press and of expression, as well as the prevalence of impunity;
  2. Calls for an immediate end to violence, human rights violations and political intimidation and persecution;
  3. Urges for the immediate release of all those jailed for exercising their rights to peaceful assembly and freedom of expression, including students, farmers, opposition politicians, academics, bloggers and journalists ;
  4. Calls on the government to carry out a credible, transparent and impartial investigation into the killings of protesters and other alleged human rights violations in connection with the protest movement, and to fairly prosecute those responsible, regardless of rank or position;
  5. Welcomes the government’s decision to completely halt the Addis Ababa and Oromia special zone master plan, that plans to expand the municipal boundary of Addis Ababa. Calls for an immediate inclusive and transparent political dialogue, including the government, opposition parties, civil society representatives and the local population preventing any further violence or radicalisation of the population; takes the view that such dialogue, conducing to the democratisation of the country, is not possible under the current political conditions;
  6. Calls on the Government of Ethiopia to respect the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the African Union Charter of Human and Peoples’ Rights, including the right to peaceful assembly, freedom of expression and association;
  7. Urges the government to immediately invite the UN Special Rapporteur on the rights to freedom of association and peaceful assembly and other UN human rights experts to visit Ethiopia to report on the situation;
  8. Calls on the government to stop suppressing the free flow of information, including by jamming media broadcasts and harassing media, including through intrusive surveillance programs, and facilitate access throughout Ethiopia for independent journalists and human rights monitors;
  9. Calls on the government to include local communities in a dialogue on the implementation of any large scale development project and ensure equal distribution of future benefits to the population ; to ensure that farmers and pastoralists are adequately compensated, preventing them from any arbitrary or forced displacement without consultation and adequate compensation.
  10. Expresses its concerns on the government’s forced resettlement program, known as “villagization program”.
  11. States that respect for human rights and the rule of law are crucial to the EU’s policies to promote development in Ethiopia and throughout the Horn of Africa;
  12. Call on the EU to effectively monitor programs and policies to ensure that EU development assistance is not contributing to human rights violations in Ethiopia, particularly programs linked to displacement of farmers and pastoralists, and develop strategies to minimize any negative impact of displacement within EU funded development projects;
  13. Further calls on the EU and Member States to react promptly to the escalation of violence and the deterioration of the human rights situation in the country by publicly and privately condemning the use of excessive force by security forces in Oromia and call on the government to exercise restraint in its response against protests and the exercise of basic freedoms by the Ethiopian people;
  14. Stresses that financial support to Ethiopia from the EU should be measured attending to the country’s human rights record and the degree to which the Ethiopian government promotes reforms towards democratisation, as the only way to ensure stability and sustainable development;
  15. Instructs its President to forward this resolution to the Government and the Parliament of Ethiopia, the European Commission, the Council, the Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, the institutions of the African Union and the Secretary-General of the United Nations.

Tuesday, 19 January 2016

Ethiopians in South Africa protest rights abuses at home

At least 140 protesters have been killed by Ethiopian security forces since November, says rights group

Ethiopians protest in South Africa

JOHANNESBURG, South Africa – Hundreds of Ethiopians living in South Africa protested Monday outside the Pan-African Parliament (PAP) in Johannesburg, demanding that African legislators help them intervene in stopping alleged human rights violations in Ethiopia.

“We call on the PAP [the African Union’s legislative body] to help us persuade the Ethiopian government to stop killing Oromo protesters,” protest organizer, Yahya Tawfiq told Anadolu Agency.
A wave of protests began in Ethiopia late last year after the government proposed to expand the boundaries of the capital city of Addis Ababa into the Oromia regional state.

Many Oromo farmers expressed fear that they would lose farmland, once the government’s proposed expansion plan known as the “Addis Ababa Integrated Development Master plan” was implemented.
“When our people took to the streets to protest the plan they were shot and killed. That’s why we are gathered here today to condemn the killings of innocent people,” Tawfiq said.

A Human Rights Watch (HRW) report released in December claimed that at least 140 Oromo protesters were killed by Ethiopian security forces since November 2015.

“The Ethiopian government’s response to the Oromia protests has resulted in scores dead and a rapidly rising risk of greater bloodshed,” Leslie Lefkow deputy Africa director at Human Rights Watch said.

“There is no freedom of expression in our country. Many critical journalists and bloggers are currently in jail. We demand their immediate release,” another protester, Abdi Hakim Hussien told Anadolu Agency.

Tens of thousands of Ethiopians live in South Africa eking out a living in the small business sector.
Protesters observed a moment of silence Monday for those who were killed during the protests in Ethiopia.

Some carried signs which read, “We need freedom and Justice”, “We oppose eviction of Oromo farmers in Ethiopia”, “Oromia is not for sale”, among others.

The protesters chanted slogans outside the Pan African Parliament for several hours attracting the attention of officials who later came out to listen to their demands.

They handed over a list of demands to a senior representative of the Pan African parliament who pledged to look into the matter.

 Source: News FultonCounty

Monday, 18 January 2016

የሰማያዊ ሥራ አስፈጻሚ በአራት አባላቱ ላይ የተላለፈው የመባረር ውሳኔ ተቀባይነት እንደሌለው አስታወቀ

‹‹ውሳኔው ከፓርቲው መሰረታዊ ሀሳቦችና እምነቶች ተቃርኖ የተላለፈ ስለሆነ ተቀባይነት የለውም›› ኢ/ር ይልቃል ጌትነት
(በነገረ ኢትዮጵያ ሪፖርተር)

የሰማያዊ ፓርቲ ሥራ አስፈጻሚ በአራት አባላቱ ላይ የብሄራዊ ሥነ-ስርዓት ኮሚቴ ያስተላለፈውን ከፓርቲው የማሰናበት ውሳኔ እንደማይቀበለው አስታወቀ፡፡

የፓርቲው ሥራ አስፈጻሚ ዛሬ ጥር 9/2008 ዓ.ም ከሰዓት በኋላ ባካሄደው ስብሰባ አቶ ዮናታን ተስፋየ፣ አቶ እያስጴድ ተስፋየ፣ አቶ ዮናስ ከድር እና አቶ ጋሻነህ ላቀ ላይ የተላለፈውን ውሳኔውንም ሆነ ሂደቱን እንዳልተቀበለውና ውሳኔውም በሰማያዊ ደንብ መሰረት ተግባራዊ እንደማይሆን፣ ተባረሩ የተባሉት አባላትም በሙሉ ኃላፊነታቸው እንደሚቀጥሉ በሙሉ ድምጽ መወሰኑን የሰማያዊ ሊቀመንበር ኢ/ር ይልቃል ጌትነት ለነገረ ኢትዮጵያ ገልጸዋል፡፡

‹‹የተላለፈው ውሳኔ የሰማያዊን መሰረታዊ ሀሳቦችና እምነቶች፣ ማለትም ሀሳብን በነጻነት የመግለጽ መብትና የግለሰብን ነጻነት የተጋፋ ስለሆነ ተቀባይነት የለውም›› ብለዋል ሊቀመንበሩ፡፡

የክስ አቀረራረቡም ሆነ የውሳኔ አሰጣጡ በሰማያዊ ደንብ መሰረት ምላዕተ-ጉባኤ ሳይሟላና ቃለ ጉባኤ ሳይፈረም የተሰጠ ውሳኔ በመሆኑ ውሳኔው ተቀባይነት የለውም ሲል ስራ አስፈጻሚው በሙሉ ድምጽ መወሰኑን ኢ/ር ይልቃል አስረድተዋል፡፡

The Making of TPLF's Paramilitary Death Squad: Agazi Murder Inc. & A Mother's Tears

By Alem Mamo


"The Pentagon trained Ethiopian forces - including the notorious Agazi special forces unit." - Jeremy Scahill, founding editor of the Intercept, and National Security Correspondent testifying before the United States Senate Judiciary Committee on December 9, 2010.
 
She looks much older than her actual age. One could guess she is sixty or even older. The truth is that she is only forty-four. “I was born two years before the military took power” she says referencing history. Her wrinkled face, discolored skin, and greying hair tells a story of a women who endured unimaginable tragedy. Living has been hard for her over the last decade or so. “I lost my first born 10 years ago, when we the opposition won the election and they refused to relinquish power” she says her sight disappearing into the horizon as if she is expecting someone to emerge from behind the hills.
“How did he die?” I asked following her into the house from the cool evening breeze outside where we spent the last fifteen minutes. “They killed him in a broad day light along with his best friend. They were killed at the same spot the same day in Addis Ababa.” She said, tears streaming over her wrinkling face. The depth of her anguish is too strong for words. I got up and sat close to her holding her hands. “who killed them?” I asked. She took a long pause, walked a few steps to close the door and whispered “Agazi, Agazi killed them” and handed me the pictures of her dead boys after kissing them couple of times. They were school graduation pictures. Smiling, aspirational and full of hope. The pictures were wet with her tears. Each drop spreading on the smiling faces of her children as if they were sharing a grief, crying together so to speak. I felt their presence in the room. May be the connection between a mother and child transcendence mortality, I don’t know, but their spirits were palpable in the house where they grew up in before their lives were cut short. I took a sheet of tissue paper out of my pocket and wiped both pictures gently. As I looked at them, with an imploring look, I thought they would have been my brothers, nephews, cousins even children. They looked so familiar to me; even if I have never met them. Perhaps, they reminded me of my own youth.
Fearless, committed to and in love with the concept of democracy, freedom and justice. It is unfulfilled dream of my generation, the generation before me, and the current generation. “What a curse.” I murmured to myself.
As I stood up to leave, the mourning mother gave me a warm hug and gently asked me to come and visit her again. I promised to return and left fighting my tears. On my way out I couldn’t help but to think of her loneliness, the eerie quite in the house once full of playful energy with two handsome boys. I tried to understand and even feel a mother’s sorrow. I can only pretend.
I have heard the name Agazi before, many times in fact. People in Ethiopia talk about Agazi with an understanding of some kind of foreign occupying army. The actions of the group according to those who encountered or witnessed say Agazi’s “are a killing machine. Indiscriminate killers who do not distinguish between children and adults, the elderly and the youth, men and women, armed and unarmed. They just kill, and it is fair to say that they appear to be enjoying killing.”
I spoke with one elderly man who was in the resistance against the occupying forces of Benito Mussolini during World War II and he equates Agazi with the Carabinieri of the fascist forces. “They don’t speak our languages, they don’t care for our culture and values. They come anytime they wish, they sometimes snatch our men and boys; at other times they kill them on the spot. They occupy our villages, towns and cities. You see, that is exactly what the Carabinieri and Italian forces did.” His long white beard, wrinkled forehead and twinkly little eyes appear to be corroborating his story. “We never had a government in our history with this level of cruelty against its own people. “You know what we did with Carabinieri? He says with a sense of pride and honor tangible in his voice. “With the help of God and our resistance fighters, we kicked them out.” He said. I can clearly hear his fierce patriotic fire. “We will do the same against these Agazi’s. The new generation have our spirit of resistance. It is a matter of time. Our country will be free.” He said holding firm into his walking stick. It is a tragic irony of historical comparison but this is not the first time I have heard such a comparison. It attests to the unparalleled nature of the regimes violent behaviour.
Where ever there is popular discontent or revolt against the regime in any part of the country Agazi appears from nowhere to crush it. I have heard numerous general stories in the past, about the group’s brutality and its utter disregard to human life. Having the opportunity to speak with a grieving mother who lost two of her beloved sons to Agazi sniper gave me a different perspective. A sorrowful curiosity. A desire driven by a tragedy to know and expose more about this notorious paramilitary group.
The name Agazi strikes fear and terror in Ethiopia the same way Caravana de la muerte (Caravan of Death) a Chilean Army Death Squad terrorized the country following the 1973 coup lead by Augosto Pinochet. Or General Jose Alberto Medrano’s Organizacion Democratica Nacionalista (ORDEN)-the first paramilitary death squad in El Salvador involved in kidnaping, assassination, and torture of dissidents. Agazi as it is called, is a shadowy semi- autonomous paramilitary group accountable only to a select few senior echelon members of Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF). The group is named after one of the founding members of TPLF called Zeru Gessesse nick named Agazi. The group in real conventional military standard could be categorized as a private army resembling a mercenary group that is hired by war lords to protect their interest. It’s operational command and control is outside of even the Tigray ethnic group dominated national defence structure. It’s main purpose of existence is to ensure the regimes hold on power remains unchallenged even if it means burning a village, massacring civilians and terrorizing entire communities. The group established in the early days of TPLF have a mask of “fighting terrorism” to appease western donors for resources, training and armament. In reality, most of Agazi’s work has been crushing domestic opposition against the regime.
A few investigative journalists have attempted to inquire about Agazi and the role of foreign countries in the training and arming of this notorious group. Among these investigative reporters Jeremy Scahill is the most prominent and inquisitive in his search to find US’s role of training similar groups in Afghanistan, Mali, Somalia and Yemen. On December, 9, 2010 he testified before Congress and outlined his findings. His testimony covered wide range of issues including drone operations, US engagement with war lords in Somalia among many other related subjects.
He questioned the US role in helping and enabling military units in these countries to terrorize their own civilian population under the guise of “fighting terrorism” According to Mr. Scahill “US Special Operations teams had long been in Ethiopia training its notorious Agazi Commandos.” His investigative work shades light on the dangers of collaborating with regimes such as TPLF and its long term consequences both for the US and the people under the iron rule of authoritarian regimes.
Keeping my promise, I returned to visit the mother of two murdered young boys. It was a misty cool evening. She was puttering around her back yard. “I have to stay busy to keep my mind off from my children. I miss them.” She says wiping the dirt from her hands. Her hug has a motherly embrace and warmth. I followed her to the house. “God bless you for coming to visit me.” She says walking into the kitchen. “I am going to make you tea” she said. “Thank you!” I replied. In a few minutes she returned with a cup of tea and a few biscuits on a small handmade basket. Our conversation waded into various subjects. She told me that many mothers these days wear black for their murdered children. She mentioned some by name. “My friends, members of our community, and people in the cities have someone killed in their families, these are dark days.” She said.
I returned to know more about her murdered children and also to see how she is holding up. She looked tired as if she hasn’t slept for days. I asked her if she is getting enough sleep. “Every time I close my eyes I see my boys. Coming back from school, helping me with some chores, or doing their homework.” I can’t sleep. I don’t remember the last time I had a good night sleep” she says. The depth of her pain, layers of the trauma resulting from the cruelty of state violence has taken a toll on her.
“Where were they buried?” I inquired. “Oh not far from here it is a short walk. I go there every Sunday to talk to my boys.” “Would you take me today?” I asked “Yes, I’ll take you.” She quickly put her black shawl over her black dress and asked me to follow her “this way” she said, I followed her. We walked for about 15 minutes through a dry grass land with a narrow country side road. From a distance I see a few animals grazing. After a short walk we reached the church compound. There were a few worshippers praying outside the church and others are just arriving. She kneeled before the main gate and said a few words of prayer. I followed suite. After a few steps she lead me to the graveyard where her two boys lie. As we get closer I can hear a soft voice followed by weeping. “Here” she said.
“They are sleeping here the same way they slept together at home when they were little boys, next to each other, my beautiful boys” said, wiping tears from her face. I tried to comfort her. Fighting my own tears. She told me the youngest only sixteen was shot and killed when he was taking part in a peaceful protest. “There are many mothers like me in this country, thousands, who lost their children to Agazi bullet.
“I heard they were trained by the American’s. Is it true?” She asks me. There is some sense of forcefulness, even anger in her voice. “Yes, I have heard the same story” I replied. “Why would they train and arm a group who will kills our children? I thought American’s were good people. Caring people.” “It is not the American people; it is the politicians who make these kind of decisions. I said trying to give her rational explanation. It meant a little comfort to her. “May be educated people like you should take our message to the American politicians and ask them to stop helping the Agazi kill our children.” I promised her I will make sure her message gets to the US policy makers, the US public and the wider world.
As I got up to leave she looked into my eyes with a plea that says “please let the world know our suffering. Please let those who train and arm Agazi know that they are training indiscriminate killers. Let them know the sorrow of a mother who lost not just one but two of her children.” “What do you call a childless mother? I am childless because my children were murdered by the Agazi.” she said. I have no answer to all of her questions. I am not even sure she was expecting any answers from me or she was simply expressing her sorrow out loud. May be both, but the truth is these are questions that I grapple with every day. I know also, that these are questions thousands of mothers across this country are asking.
As we drove away, my eyes wondered through the country side, there are no children playing, no farmers on the field, no travellers on the roads. There is an eerie feeling of life under siege. From a distance I can hear a gun fire. Another young man, young women, an elder, who would be the victim this time? Who would be Agazi’s prey? I wondered.
Lying in bed that night, I struggled to make sense of this brutality, the savagery of industrialized and institutionalized violence against innocent and un armed civilians. My mind roamed from place to place, from a mother’s tears to a father’s anguish. I tried to close my eyes with a hope of getting some sleep, but I couldn’t turn my mind off. I kept hearing “every time I close my eyes I see my boys.” I wondered if my visit made things even much worse for her emotionally. After numerous toss and turns, I gave up on falling asleep and I pulled a folded paper which I keep in my note book. It was a poem by the Roman lyric poet Gaius Valerius Catullus (C. 84 – 54BC) which he wrote for his dead brother.
“By strangers’ coasts and waters,
Many days at sea,
I came here for the rites of your unworlding,
Bringing for you, the dead,
These last gifts of the living
And my words — vain sounds for the man of dust.
Alas, my brother, you have been taken from me.
You have been taken from me
And by cold hands turned to shadow and my pain.
Here are the foods of the old ceremony appointed Long ago for the starvelings under the earth.
Take them.
Your brother’s tears have made them wet.
And take into eternity my hail and my farewell. ”
I read the poem a few more times in memory of men and women young and old who are murdered by Agazi forces since TPLF came to power. The more I read it, I wanted to travel across this land, and talk to every single mother whose child was murdered by Agazi forces. I wanted to somehow feel their pain or at least listen to it. Beyond my emotional upheaval and ambition, the practicality of my desire I realized, is almost impossible. Given the sheer number of murders carried out by Agazi, I may have to travel for the next few years to reach only a small portion of mothers who wake up every morning with an empty chair at the table. Their children absent from their class rooms, young men and women who will not plan their weeding’s and give them grandchildren.
In the end, my mind settled on a rational reasoning while my heart wanted to travel across the country and listen to all the mothers. Perhaps, it has a selfish ulterior motive of my own desire to reconnect with this beautiful land of my ancestors. The time and the place, the date and the season, or the person who fired the gun certainly might be different. The truth is that the story of mothers who lost their children, the degree of their pain, the trauma and the anguish they experience is the same whether they live in and around the northern mountains or near the western tropical forest, the central plains or the southern grassland, the east, the country side or the cities. It is all the same. Profound sorrow and unending pain.
For now, I have decided to tell the story of a mother that I know about. A mother, to whom I have the privilege and a great honor of meeting. A mother who I cannot name for now. Her two boys, their names and images permanently etched in my mind. With every rising sun they besiege and challenge me to continue to be on the side of justice and truth not power and privilege. It is the least I can do.

All Ethiopians and Friends of Ethiopia a Must-Attend Protest to be Held in Washington DC at the State Department for Monday January 25, 2016 at 9:00 AM



The dictatorial TPLF regime has committed countless atrocities on innocent Ethiopians for the past 24 years. It has killed and jail many as well as forced millions to flee the country. At the present time, it is killing many peaceful people, especially young students, in Oromia region just because they came out to voice their opposition to the displacement of Oromo farmers from their land. It is also trying to create tribal divisions and incite violence among Ethiopians in the Amhara region.

Moreover, TPLF is selling large territorial land to the Sudanese regime. This rally is called jointly by various Ethiopian organizations to protest these crimes that are being perpetrated on our people by the TPLF dictatorial regime. Please come and join us to show our solidarity and support to our people who are suffering under the yoke of TPLF tyranny!

Starting location:
US Department of State
2201 C St NW
Washington, DC. 20520
Date and Time:  Monday 25th January 2016 at 9:00 AM

Dress code Black
Organizers are Ethiopian Orthodox Religious Leaders, Ethiopian Muslim Leaders (First Higrah), Ethiopian Evangelical Religious Leaders, United OLF, Moresh Wegene, All Amhara Peoples Party, United Ethiopian Muslims Peaceful Movement Support Group, Patriotic Ginbot 7, EPRP, Shengo, AEDP Support Group, SMNE, DC Joint Task Force, Border Committee, SOCEPP, Netsanet Radio.

Friday, 15 January 2016

The United States Calls for release of politicians, journalists imprisoned in Ethiopia

The United States today called for the release of political prisoners and journalists in Ethiopia. The statement released by the department of state in connection with the ongoing protest in the Oromia region of Ethiopia called “for the release of those imprisoned for exercising their rights, such as political party leaders and journalists.”

“The United States is increasingly concerned by the continued stifling of independent voices in Ethiopia, including the detention of Oromo political party leaders. These arrests have a chilling effect on much needed public consultations to resolve legitimate political grievances in Oromia,” the statement said.

“We reaffirm our call on the Ethiopian Government to refrain from silencing dissent and to protect the constitutionally enshrined rights of all citizens, including the right to gather peacefully, to write, and to speak freely as voices of a diverse nation.”

Tuesday, 12 January 2016

‹‹ነገሮች እስከሚረጋጉ ድረስ በትግራይ ክልል ስር ቆዩ ››

‹‹አማርኛ እንናገራለን ፣አረብኛም እንናገራለን ፣ትግርኛም ሆነ ሌሎችን የሃገራችን ቋንቋዎች ብንናገርም ትግረኛ ስለምትችሉ ወደ ትግራይ ክልል ትጠቃለላላችሁ የተባልነውን አንቀበልም፡፡ወደ ክልላችን መልሱን ››

ኢሳት ዜና :-ያለፍለጎታቸውን ወደ ትግራይ ክልል በመጠቃለላችን ወደ አማራ ክልል እንዛወር በማለት የጠየቁ የወልቃይት ነዋሪዎችን ሲያግባባ የነበረው ከአማራ ክልል ከልዩ ልዩ መስሪያ ቤቶች የተወጣጣው ቡድን ለአንድ ወር ያክል ጊዜ በአካባቢው ተሰማርቶ የማሳመን ስራ ለመስራት ቢሞክርም እስካሁን ተልዕኮው ባለመሳካቱ ለተጨማሪ ጊዜ በወልቃይት ለመክረም ተገዷል፡፡

የክልሉ ጸጥታ ጉዳዮች፣ ፍትህ፣ፖሊስና መከላከያን ጨምሮ በርካታ የመንግስት ተሿሚዎችን ያካተተው ቡድን ከአንድ ወር በላይ በወልቃይት የከረመ ሲሆን፣ ከአዲስ አበባ ልዩ መመሪያ በየቀኑ እየተጠሰጠው መሆኑን የውስጥ አዋቂዎች ተናግረዋል፡፡ ‹‹ነገሮች እስከሚረጋጉ ድረስ በትግራይ ክልል ስር ቆዩ ›› የተባሉት የወልቃይት ነዋሪዎች እንደሚሉት ‹‹አማርኛ እንናገራለን ፣አረብኛም እንናገራለን ፣ትግርኛም ሆነ ሌሎችን የሃገራችን ቋንቋዎች ብንናገርም ትግረኛ ስለምትችሉ ወደ ትግራይ ክልል ትጠቃለላላችሁ የተባልነውን አንቀበልም፡፡ወደ ክልላችን መልሱን ›› በማለት አጥብቀው ሲሟገቱ ተሰምተዋል፡፡ የአማራ ክልል አመራሮችና ተሿሚዎች ‹‹ወደ ክልላችን እንቀላቀል ›› ያሉትን የወልቃይት ነዋሪዎች ‹‹ እባካችሁ ወደ ትግራይ ክልል ሂዱ ፡፡›› በማለት ለረዥም ጊዜ ልመና ማቅረባቸው በጣም እንዳሳዘናቸው ጉዳዩን የሚከታተሉ ምንጮች ገልጸዋል። የክልሉ አመራሮች ሙሉ በሙሉ ለህውሃት ታማኝነታቸውን ለማሳየት የወልቃትን ህዝብ ተንበርክከው መለመናቸው እና በማስፈራራት ሃሳባቸውን ለማስቀየር የሚያደርጉት አካሄድ እጅጉን እንዳስገረማቸውና እንዳሳፈራቸው እነዚሁ ምንጮች ገልጸዋል።

Sunday, 10 January 2016

ይድረስ ለ ኢህአዴግዬ! ጉዳዩ፤ እየመሸ መሆኑን ስለማሳወቅ! [አቤ ቶኪቻው]

 

                                                                     አቤ ቶኪቻው

ይሄንን ደብዳቤ ልጽፍልሽ ከመጀመሬ በፊት አንድ የቴሌቪዥን ፕሮግራም እየተመለከትኩ ነበር። ያዲሳባ ሴቶች መደዳውን ተደርድረው አንድ ጎረምሳ በፍቅር ያጫቸው ዘንድ በዜማ እና በሌሎችም ጥቅማጥቅሞች ሲለማመጡት እና እኔ እሻል እኔ ሲፎካከሩበት አየሁ… አጀብ ያገሬ ቴሊቪዥን ጣቢያዎች ስንት ርዕሰ ጉዳዮች ባሉባት ሃገር ለቆነጃጅት ጎረምሳ በመምረጥ መጠመዳቸው ስልጣኔው እንዴት ዘልቆ ቢገባቸው ነው… ስል አደነኳቸው።


ይህ አይነቱ የቴሌቪዥን መሰናዶ እዚህ እኛ የምንኖርበት ሃገርም አለ… እነ አሜሪካም ያደርጉታል፤ ልክ ባለፈው ጊዜ አቶ ሃይለማሪያም ‘’ድርቅ ብርቅ አይደለም ኢትዮጵያ ብቻ ሳይሆን ካሊፎርኒያም በአሁኑ ሰዓት በድርቅ እየተሰቃየ ነው’’ እንዳሉት በይው! ታድያ ግዜው የግሎባላይዜሽን ነውና፤ እዚህ እኔ ያለሁበት እንግሊዝ እና አማሪካ ያለው ነገር ሁሉ ኢትዮጵያ መኖሩም ብዙም ባይደንቅም፤ ነገር ግን ‘እነርሱጋ ለምን ኖረ እኛጋስ ለምን ያስፈልጋል ብሎ መገምገም የቴሌቪዥን ዝግጅት አቅራቢዎቹ ስራ ነበር። እነ ድርቁንስ እግዜሩ ከላይ አከፋፍሎን ነው… ድርቅናውን ግን ራሳችን እንዳመጣልን ከነርሱ የኮረጅነው ነው። ልብ አድርጊልኝ ኢህአዴግዬ፤ ቆነጃጅት መድረክ ላይ ተኮልኩለው ‘’ቁርስህን እንቁላል ፍርፍር ራትህን ቋንጣ ፍርፍር እንዳበላህ፣ በዘፈን እያሞካሸው እንዳባብልህ እኔን ውሰደኝ እኔን ውሰደኝ’’ ሲሉ ማየት ከባድ ድርቅና አይደለም ትያለሽ…? እነ አማሪካ እና እንግሊዝ እንዲህ ያለውን ዝግጅት በየቴሌቪዥናቸው የሚያቀርቡት ማህበረሰቡ ርስ በርሱ በቅጡ የማይቀራረብ ሁሉም የየራሱን ክበብ ከቦ አትደረስብኝ አልደርስብህም ያሰመረ አይነት ስለሆነ የመገናኛ መድረክ ለመፍጠር አስበው ነው… እኛ ሃገር አውቶብስ ፌርማታው… ታክሲ ግፊያው ወፍጮ ቤቱ ሳይቀር የፍቅር መድረክ በሆነበት ቆነጃጅት በቴሌቪዥን መስኮት አደባባይ ወጥተው አንዱን ወንድ እኔን ውሰደኝ እኔን… ሲሻሙበት ማየት በእውኑ እንግዳ ነገር ነው!

አንዳንድ ወዳጆች እማ እንደሚጠረጥሩት ‘’ይሄ አይነቱ ዝግጅት ኢህአዴግዬ ጎረምሳውን ሁሉ አስራ፣ አስራ ሃገሩ ላይ የወንዶች እጥረት እንዲከሰት በማድረጓ የመጣ ነው’’ ቢሉ… የለም… በዚህ እንኳ እኔ አልስማማም፤ ነውር አይደለም እንዴ ኢህአዴግዬ እንዲህ አይነት አድሎ አታውቅም። የጾታ እኩልነት በተረጋገጠበት በዚህ ወቅት ወንድ ወንዱን ለይታ አታስርም ይሄ ስም ማጥፋት ነው ሁሉንም ነው የምታስረው እንጂ ‘ወንድ ወንዱን ለቅማ አስራ የወንድ እጥረት ተከሰተ’ ብሎ ማለት ተራ ስም ማጥፋት ነው ብዬ ተከራከርኩልሽ!

ነገርን ነገር ያነሳዋል አፈር ስሆን በዘጠና ሰባት ዓመተ ምህረት የሆነውን ልንገርሽ…. ምነው እንኳ ያኔ ‘’ከንግዲህ ጣቱን የቀሰረ ጣቱ ይቆረጣል’’ አዋጅ የታወጀ ጊዜ… አንቺኮ ትረሻለሽ! ደግነቱ እኛ አለንልሽ መዝግበን የያዝን ሰዎች እናስታውስሻለን! እናልሽ ያኔ ጎረምሳው ሁሉ በአደገኛ ቦዘኔ አዋጅ ተለቅሞ እስር ቤት ሲገባ አንዱ ‘’አደገኛ ቦዘኔ’’ ወዳጃችን በዛ በቀውጢ ሰዓት አንዷን አፍቅሮልሽ ጠየቃት፤ የፍቅር አጋሬ ሁኚ … ብሎ ቢላት ጊዜ ምን አለችው መሰለሽ… ‘’የኔ ጌታ በዚህ ሰዓት ካንተጋ ፍቅር ጀምሬ ካሁን አሁን ታሰረ አልታሰረ እያልኩ የምጨነቅበት እና የምሳቀቅበት ምክንያት የለም! ግርግሩ ሲያልፍ ካለህ ያኔ ጠይቀኝ’’ አለችው።

የኔ ነገር… ይሄንን ሁሉ ያነሳሁት በምን መሰለሽ… ላንቺ ይሄንን ደብዳቤ ከመጻፌ በፊት አየሁት ባልኩሽ ፕሮግራም ላይ፤ አንዷ ኮረዳ በግድግዳ ተከልሎ ላላየችው ጎረምሳ የዘፈነችለትን ዘፈን፤ እኔ ላየኋት ላጣጣምኳት ኢህአዴግዬ ለምን አልዘፍንላትም ስል ባስብ ጊዜ ዝግጅቱ ትውስ ብሎኝ ይሄንን ሁሉ መዘብዘቤ፤ ‘እስቲ ልቤን አትስቀለው ቶሎ ዝፈንልኝ…’ ብለሽ ችኩል ስትይ ታየኝ። አንቺ እኮ ችኩል ነሽ እንደው ጥድፍ ጥድፍ ማለት ትወጃለሽ ‘ችኩል ብላ ካደረገች በኋላ እንዴት ላድርገው ብላ የምታማክር፤ ከገደለች በኋላ ቁም! ብላ የምታስጠነቅቅ ችኩል’ እያለ ሃገሩ ሲያማሽ መቼም ጆሮ ለባለቤቱ ባዳ ነው እና አልሰማሽም፤ እኔ አለሁልሽ አይደል እንዴ ታድያ ይሄው ነገርኩሽ (ማስታወሻሽን ያዢ ብቻ አንቺ) እና አዚምላት አዚምላት ያለኝ ምን የሚለውን ዘፈን መሰለሽ…

‘’ገዳይ ነሽ ገዳይ ነሽ በፍቅር ገዳይ ነሽ…
ገዳይ ነሽ ገዳይ ነሽ በመውደድ ገዳይ ነሽ’’
ምነው ሳቅሽ መጣ እወነቴን ነው ገዳይ ነሽኮ… ካላመንሽኝ ያለፉትን ሳምንታት ዜናዎች ዘወር ብለሽ ተመልከቺ… (በቅንፍም፤ ‘’ዞሮ መመልከት ብችል መቼ ገዳይ እሆን ነበር’’ ካልሽኝ አደንቅሻለሁ!) ሰው አንድ ይገድላል ሁለትም እሺ ይሁን ሴጣን ካሳሳተው ምን ይደረጋል፤ አንቺኮ በአንድ ሳምንት ብቻ አንድም ሳይሆን አስርም ሳይሆን መቶ ገዳይ መሆንሽን አለም የመዘገበልሽ ተዓምረኛ ነሽ! ደፍተር ያለው በደፍተሩ ልብ ያለው በልቡ ሁሉንም ጥፎልሻል….

ሰይጣን ብል ጊዜ ምን ትዝ አለኝ… (ስል መቼም ራስሽው ‘’ሚኒስቴር ጌታቸው ረዳ!’’ ሳትይኝ አትቀሪም።) በትክክል መልሰሻል! እኔ የምልሽ ኢህአዴግዬ እንደው እንዴት እንዴት አይነቱን ታበቅይ ጀመር ባክሽ…? የኛ ሀገር ሰው ለራሱ እንኳንስ እንዲህ በቀጥታ ሰድበሽው እና እንዲሁም ምን ለማለት ፈልጋ ነው… ብሎ ይጠምድሻል ጭራሽ ባለስልጣኖችሽ የገዛ ህዝብሽን ‘’ሰይጣኖች አጋንንቶች ጠንቋዮች…’’ እያሉ ሲሳደቡ ዝም ትያለሽ እንዴ! እንዴ…. ማህበረሰቡ እኮ ‘’ድሮም ሰው የውሎውን ነው የሚያወቀው’’ ብሎ በሌላ በሌላ እየጠረተረሽ ነው…!

ኢህአዴግዬ… ለመሆኑ እንዴት አለሽልኝ… ጤና እንዴት ይዞሻል… ጤና መንሳት እንዴት ይዞሻል አልልሽም… የገዛ ጤናሽን ነው የምጠይቅሽ፤ ስብሰባው ግምገማው እንዴት እያደረገሽ ነው፤ እውነቴን ነው የምልሽ እንዳንቺ ብርቱ የለም እኮ፤ ትዝ ይልሻል ከአስር ይሁን አስራ ምናምን አመት በፊት የመበስበስ አደጋ አጋጠማት ተብለሽ… ምነው እንኳ የገዛ አባትሽ አቶ መለስ ዜናዊ ነበሩ እኮ ‘’ኢህአዴግ የመበስበስ አደጋ ላይ ናት’’ ብለው ባደባባይ የተናገሩት… ከዛ የመበስበስ አደጋ ድነሽ ስንቱን ለአደጋ ዳረግሽው… ልልሽ ነበር እንዲህ አይባለም!

ይሄው ዛሬም ቃል በቃል መበስበስ ባይባልም ትልቅ የሆነ የመልካም አስተዳደር ችግር ውስጥ እንድለሽ ቱባ ቱባ ባለልጣኖችሽ ተሰባስበው ሲናገሩ ሰማን። እኔ የምልሽ አንዳንዴ እኮ አስማተኛ ነው የምትመስይኝ… በዘረፈ ብዙ ችግር ውስጥ ሆነሽ አለቀላት በቃ! ስትባይ አንቺቴ አፈርሽን ረገፍ ረገፍ አድርገሽ ተነስተሽ ነፍስ ዘርተሽ ዳግም አናታችን ላይ ጉብ ስትይ… የምርም አስማት የምትችዪ ነው የሚመስለኝ…

የሆነስ ሆነና ኢህአዴግዬ ዛሬ ዋናው ደብዳቤ ልጽፍለሽ ያነሳሳኝ ጉዳይ እየመሸ መሆኑን ልነግርሽ ፈልጌ ነው…
ጊዜው እንዴት እንደሚሮጥ ልብ ብለሻል። እንደ ዋዛ ሃያ አምስት አመት ሞላሽ እኮ… ትዝ ይለኛል አስራ አስራ ስምንት አመት የሞላሽ ጊዜ ‘’ኢህአዴግ እስካሁን ላጠፋችው ልጅነት ይዟት ነው ብለን እንምራታለን ከንግዲህ ግን አስራ ስምንት አመት ሞልቷታል እና ሃላፊነቱን ትወስዳለች’’ ብለን ከጓደኞቻችን ጋር ስናወራ ነበር… ይሄው ዛሬ ይሄንን ደብዳቤ ስጽፍልሽ ሩብ ምዕተ አመት ሆኖሻል… ይሄ እድሜ ታድያ ምራቅ ዋጥ የምታደርጊበት ብቻ ሳይሆን ያጠፋሽው የበደልሽውንም ተናዘሽ ሂስሽን ዋጥ የምታደርጊበት እድሜ ይመስለኛል!

እውነቴን ነው የምለሽ ኢህአዴግዬ እየመሸብሽ ነው… እንደው ዝም ብሎ ደመና ነው ብለሽ እንዳትታለዪ… ደምመና ሆኖ አይቀርም… (ብዬ ልቀኝብሽ እንዴ….) የምሬን ነው እየመሸ ነው… ልብ ብለሽ ብትመለከቺ ሰማዩ ጠቁሯል። ግዜው እየመሸብሽ ነው…

እና ምን ይጠበስ….? ያልሽኝ እነደሆነ ግን እንደሚከተለው እነግርሻለሁ…
እኔ እንደሌላው መሽቶብሻል እና ወደምትሄጂበት ሂጂ አልልሽም። እኔ እንደማምነው አንቺም ሌላ ሃገር፣ ሌላ ቤት የለሽም። የትም የምትሄጂበት አይኖርሽም… እና ዝም ብለሽ እረፍት አድርጊ…. ጋደም በዬ ኢህአዴግዬ! አረፍ በይ…! ቆመሽ አታቁሚን… ጋደም በይ እና አረፈሽ አሳርፊን እንጂ!

ዘንድሮ ምን ልብ አለኝ እንዳትይኝ እንጂ ልብ ብለሽ እንደሆነ፤ ቀድሞ ሰላማዊ ታጋይ የነበሩ ሁሉ በሰላማዊ ትግሉ ተስፋ ቆርጠው የትጥቅ ትግል አማራጭን መጠቀማቸው የመምሸቱ ምልክት ነው… በየቦታው የህዝቡ ሆድ ብሶት አደባባይ መውጣቱ በኦሮሚያ እና በጎንደር እንደሚታየው የሚሆነው ሁሉ የመምሸቱ ምልክት ነው…. አንቺም ብትሆኚ ለየጥያቄዎቹ ሁሉ ደምሽ ቱግ ቱግ እያለ ተኩሽ ተኩሽ የሚያሰኝሽ የመምሸቱ ምልክት ነው… እና ግዴየለሽም መሽቶ ሳይመሽ በፊት አረፍ በይ!

ታድያ እንዲያም ስልሽ እንደ ንጉስ ሚካኤል ስዑል ተኝተሽ ምሪን አይደለም። ‘’መሪውን ተረከቡኝ ልተኛበት… ልረፍበት’’ ብለሽ ጥሪ አድርጊ! አንቺስ ብትሆኝ ምን በወጣሽ ሃያ አምስት አመት ሙሉ ስትመሪ እና ስታማርሪ ትኖሪያለሽ! አለበለዛ ምሽቱ እየገፋ አንቺም እርጅናው እየተጫጫነሽ መጥቶ በድቅድቁ ጨለማ የወደቅሽ እንደሆነ ለመጠገን ከባድ ነው…. እና መሽቶ ሳይመሽ ጨለማው ሳይበረታ አረፍ በይ ኢህአዴግዬ!

አሳቢሽ
ከሰላምታ ጋር!

Friday, 8 January 2016

'They wanted me to say I was wrong': Freed Ethiopian journalist on why 1,500 days in jail failed to silence her

CPJ

Reeyot Alemu, an Ethiopian journalist who worked for the independent weeklyFeteh, spent almost 1,500 days in prison after being arrested in June 2011 andcharged with terrorism in 2012. She was released unexpectedly in July.

In interviews with CPJ in November and December, Reeyot discussed her experiences in prison, during which she was held for brief periods in solitary confinement and denied visits. She says she refused an offer of a pardon because it would have implied an admission of guilt. “They wanted me to kneel down, but I was not OK with that,” she said. “I think they wanted to release me, but they wanted me to say that I was wrong.”

Reeyot also discussed her decision to join Arbegnoch Ginbot 7, a coalition of opposition political organizations banned by the Ethiopian authorities. She announced her membership to the group in December, during an interview withEthiopian Satellite Television Service in Washington D.C.

You were released unexpectedly on July 9. What did you think when you heard you were free?

I was confused. I didn’t ask for pardon and I did not fill out the parole form. I suspected they might take me to another police station or prison, or for torture. I said to the prison officers, “Maybe you say something false and if I reveal it, you will bring me back?” I think maybe they released me suddenly to avoid many people knowing about it. My sister had come for the release of [journalists] Edom[Kassaye] and Mahlet [Fantahun.] Fana Radio [a pro-government station] had announced their release. She didn’t know about me, because the media didn’t say anything. She wasn’t there for me, but she was very happy and excited.

What was it like in prison? Are you able to put those memories behind you?

I don’t think someone in prison can put the prison memories behind. I can’t and I also don’t want to because I must not forget. If I forget these kinds of things it’s not good for the struggle. There are many prisoners there, there are many who’ve been tortured there, there are many innocent people who don’t deserve to be in prison. Therefore I want to remember.

What were some of the things you experienced prison?

For 13 days while I was in the police station I was in solitary confinement, the room had a bad smell. No lawyer could visit me. They insult you. One day, one policeman crashed my head into the wall. These things can happen in that prison–inMaekelawi–you expect it. Also, they warn you, “If you won’t be a witness, we will detain you for life, or we can kill you.” They say this just to make you give false witness. And when I said “No,” they said, “OK, we can call you a terrorist,” and they did just that.

Reeyot Alemu spent almost 1,500 days in jail for her journalism. (Barbara Nitke/CPJ)
Reeyot Alemu spent almost 1,500 days in jail for her journalism. (Barbara Nitke/CPJ)
For the first three months, no one could visit me. The prison is very crowded but they wanted to isolate me from other prisoners. To be able to say that I was not isolated, they built another home for me and they put three other prisoners with me. There were four small beds, close to each other in a narrow room.

They even denied my right to read. When my parents or friends brought books [the prison authorities would] look at the title of the books or the cover and say “It’s politics or it’s history,” and return them. They want you to read these love stories [laughs] and to forget politics. They only wanted me to read books that they said should “entertain” me.

They denied my right to education. I was going to study my Masters in political science and when I was in prison I enrolled and paid my fees. They knew when I had paid and then after that, they denied me, as a kind of revenge.

[EDITOR’S NOTE: The Ethiopian embassy in Washington D.C. and the government spokesman in Addis Ababa did not immediately respond to CPJ’s request for comment on claims that political prisoners and jailed journalists are mistreated.]

What helped sustain you in prison?

I spent my days and nights reading, even if I didn’t get the books I am interested in. I took risks and was writing and smuggled them out. If I was not reading or writing, I was thinking about what we can do as a country, as a people. What must the people of Ethiopia do, including me?

I told myself I must be strong, I must pass these bad days. I told myself that some people survived Nazi camps and therefore I can too. You can’t be OK physically if they beat you, but I must keep my mental health. I also remember many people’s stories that I’d read before I was in prison–the ideas remain in my heart and soul. For example, Nelson Mandela, Malcolm X, Viktor Frankl, The Diary of Anne Frank. Her diary helped me realize I could also survive. There were also the poems of Bewketu Seyoum.

How did you get the news that the Zone 9 bloggers were arrested?

My mother and father told me when they were visiting. When I heard I became angry, but I also expected it. What is the future of Ethiopia, if someone tries to write something and they are arrested? What is the solution? I was very angry.

It must be frustrating to be so angry but not to be able to do anything.

That is the problem of being a prisoner [laughs]. If you are out, maybe you can speak or you can write something, but in jail, you can’t even do that. You feel even more bad when you are in prison.
While you were in prison did you know what CPJ and other groups were doing for you, or that you were part of CPJ’s Press Uncuffedcampaign?

Not the details, but I knew some of it. I heard more when I came out. [CPJ] helps a lot. People or governments or organizations must know about the situation. You give awareness–that’s a big thing.
The world must know what the Ethiopian government is like. We [as journalists] are trying to be a voice for the voiceless, but when we were arrested, CPJ became our voice.

Now that you are free, what are your plans?

I will continue to write. After I was released, I began immediately to publish articles on Ethiomedia. I’m sure of two things: I will continue my writing and struggle against our government. It goes with writing.

Are you leaving journalism now that you’ve joined a political party?

I have no intention to stop journalism because I joined a political party. Journalism is a profession I am devoted to throughout my life. But I am also an Ethiopian and my country is in great danger. My country needs me. If I can do it through my beloved profession, I am happy and will continue. If the struggle needs me to contribute in other ways, I am also ready to do that. It depends on where I can contribute more to save Ethiopia from ruin.

What is your motivation for making this move?

I made this decision in the last two years of my imprisonment. I believe there is little opportunity for peaceful struggle. Within a week of parliament labeling five organizations as terrorists [in June 2011], the ruling party imprisoned me, Woubshet [Taye,] and other innocent citizens. After that many journalists, opposition party members, and leaders were accused under the anti-terrorism law. Ethiopia become a big prison for all dissident voices.

Many political parties have tried to change the government by peaceful means. By taking Martin Luther King Jr. and other leaders as role models, I was also part of a peaceful struggle. But in prison I realized the situation in Ethiopia is very different. To struggle against this government, there must be a political organization not controlled by the government. There must be a political party the government cannot shut down. There must be an armed group to respond to the cruelty of the regime in an appropriate way. As Mandela wrote in his autobiography, the struggle is defined by the oppressor, not the oppressed. I am forced to talk with the oppressors in the language they understand.

What is it about G7’s policy/position that made you join them?

I have many reasons to join Arbegnoch Ginbot 7. The main one is they are struggling for all Ethiopians–that means all ethnic groups, all religions, and allindividuals.

What do you say to those who criticize you for abandoning your independence as a journalist to join a political party?

I ask them, “Why would I abandon my independence as a journalist?” For me, being independent is related to open-mindedness. I was and am ready to see beyond my religion, gender, ethnicity, and other things. I am ready also to see beyond my political party. I am curious enough to know about different ideas and groups. I think these and other qualities have enabled me to be an independent journalist. I have met with some people who have asked me these kinds of questions. Some of them mix being independent with being neutral. I cannot be neutral and stand between just and unjust, oppressors and oppressed. I am with oppressed ones and against the oppressors.

Human Rights Watch calls on Ethiopia to release unjustly detained opposition figures

The Human Rights Watch called on the Ethiopian government on Thursday to release all political prisoners and stop the use of lethal force against protesters. It also demanded the regime to allow peaceful protest.

“The Ethiopian government should release unjustly detained opposition figures including Bekele Gerba, deputy chairman of the Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC), and rein in the excessive use of lethal force by the security forces. They should also allow people to peacefully protest and to express dissent and ensure that farmers and pastoralists are protected from arbitrary or forced displacement without consultation and adequate compensation,” HRW said in a dispatch by Felix Horne, researcher for the Horn of Africa.

“These steps would be an important way to show Oromo protesters that the government is changing tack and is genuinely committed to respecting rights. Without this kind of policy shift, desperate citizens will widen their search for other options for addressing grievances,” the dispatch said.
The report recalled that over the past eight weeks, Ethiopia’s largest region, Oromia, has been hit by a wave of mass protests over the expansion of the municipal boundary of the capital, Addis Ababa. The generally peaceful protests were sparked by fears the expansion will displace ethnic Oromo farmers from their land, the latest in a long list of Oromo grievances against the government.

It said the crisis has taken another worrying turn: on December 23, the authorities arrested Bekele Gerba, deputy chairman of the Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC), Oromia’s largest legally registered political party. There had been fears he would be re-arrested as the government targets prominent Oromo intellectuals who they feel have influence over the population. He was first taken to the notorious Maekalawi prison, where torture and other ill-treatment are routine. The 54-year-old foreign language professor was reportedly hospitalized shortly after his arrest but his whereabouts are now unknown, raising concerns of an enforced disappearance. Other senior OFC leaders have been arbitrarily arrested in recent weeks or are said to be under virtual house arrest.

This is not the first time Bekele has been arrested. In 2011, he was convicted under Ethiopia’s draconian counterterrorism law of being a member of the banned Oromo Liberation Front – a charge often used to silence politically engaged ethnic Oromos who oppose the ruling Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF). He spent four years in prison and was only released shortly before the elections last May. The OFC ran candidates but the EPRDF coalition won all 547 parliamentary seats, a stark reflection of the unfair electoral playing field.

Bekele is deeply committed to nonviolence and has consistently advocated that the OFC participate in future elections, despite the EPRDF’s stranglehold on the political landscape.

By treating both opposition politicians and peaceful protesters with an iron fist, the government is closing off ways for Ethiopians to nonviolently express legitimate grievances. This is a dangerous trajectory that could put Ethiopia’s long-term stability at risk, the report said.

Security forces have killed at least 140 protesters and injured many more, according to activists, in what may be the biggest crisis to hit Ethiopia since the 2005 election violence.

Wednesday, 6 January 2016

ስደት የፍርሃት ውጤት ነው [ፕሮፌሰር መስፍን ወልደማሪያም]

profeser Mesfen Weldemariam Quatero

ከሁለት ቀኖች በፊት ስለበእውቀቱ ሥዩም አድናቆታቸውን በፌስቡክ ላይ የገለጹ ሁለት ሰዎች ነበሩ፤ ለበእውቀቱ ያላቸውን አድናቆት እኔም እጋራቸዋለሁ፤ ነገር ግን የእነዚህ ሰዎች አድናቆት በእውቀቱ ራሱንና ማንነቱን እንዲከዳ ይቃጣቸዋል፤ አንዱን አውቀዋለሁ፤ ከፖሊቲካና ከትጥቅ ትግል ወደስደት ‹‹ነጻነት›› የተሸጋገረ ያሬድ ጥበቡ የሚል የሚያኮራ ስም ይዞ የስደት መምህር የሆነ ነው፤ ሁለተኛው ሚስተር ቴዲ ገብርኤል ይባላል፤ እነዚህ ሁለት ስደተኞች በእውቀቱ ሥዩምን በጣም ስለሚወድዱትና ስለሚያከብሩት በአሜሪካ ስደተኛ ሆኖ እንዲቀርላቸው ይፈልጋሉ፤ በዚህ ብቻ ለኢትዮጵያ ያላቸውን ስሜት መገመት በጣም የሚያሳዝን ነው፤ ወደዝርዝር አልገባም፡፡

በዚያው እነሱ አስተያየታቸውን በጻፉበት ገጽ ላይ የራሴን አስተያየት ለጥፌ ነበረ፤ በበነጋታው ባየው የሁላችንም አስተያየቶ ድራሻቸው ጠፍቷል፤ አንድ ቀን ሙሉ ፈልጌ አጣኋቸው፤ ያሬድ ጥበቡና ቴዲ ልዩ ዘዴ እንዳላቸው አላውቅም፤ ሌላም ሰው ያንን ጽሑፍ ለማጥፋት ምን ምክንያት እንዳገኘ አላወቅሁም፤ ለማናቸውም ያንን ሀሳቤን እንዲያውም አስፋፍቼ ለማቅረብ ዕድል አገኘሁ፡፡


ያሬድ ጥበቡና ቴዲ በእውቀቱን በአሜሪካ ለማስቀረት የሚፈልጉበት ምክንያት ምንድን ነው? ምክንያቱን በትክክል እንኳን እኔ እነሱም የሚያውቁት አይመስለኝም፤ ግምቴን ግን ላቅርብና አይደለም ካሉ እንሟገትበት፤ አንደኛ ሊክዱት በማይችሉት ሐቅ ልጀምርና ሁለቱም ሰዎች በጣም ፈሪዎች ናቸው፤ ስለዚህም ፍርሃታቸውን ወደበእውቀቱ አዛምተው ጨለማን ተጋፍጦ በነጻነት ከቆመበት የማይመችና የማይደላ የእናቱና የአባቱ ዓለም ወደአሜሪካ የምቾትና የስድነት ባዕድ ዓለም ከእነሱ ጋር እንዲደባለቅ ይፈልጋሉ፤ ለምን እንዲደባለቃቸው ይፈልጋሉ? ትልቁ ጥያቄ ይሄ ነው፤ መልሱም እኔ እንደምገምተው እሱ እነሱን ሲሆን፣ እነሱ አሱን የሆኑ ስለሚመስላቸው ነው፤ ትንሽ ቢያስቡበት (ፍርሃት ለማሰብ ጊዜ አይሰጥም እንጂ!) በእውቀቱ እነሱን ሲሆን አሁን ያለውን ለነጻነት የመቆም ዋጋ እንደሚያጣና እንደሚያንስ መገንዘብ ጊዜ አይፈጅባቸውም ነበር፤ ቴዲም ሆነ ያሬድ ለበአውቀቱ ‹‹የቸሩት›› ፍርሃታቸውን ነው፤ የኢትዮጵያ ወጣቶች ወኔ የሌላቸው የሚሆኑት እንደዚህ ያሉ የፍርሃት ጠቢባን በሰላ ዘዴ እየነደፏቸው ነው፤ የኢትዮጵያ ሕዝብ ‹‹አርቲስት›› እያለ ከሚጠራቸው ሰዎች ውስጥ በአንድ እጅ ጣቶች የሚቆጠሩ መኖራቸው አጠራጣሪ ነው፤ እኔ እርግጠኛ ሆኜ የማውቀው ቴዎድሮስ ካሣሁንን ነው፤ አሁን ደግሞ በእውቀቱ ብቅ ቢል በመንፈስ ከከሰሩት ከአላሙዲን ስብስብ ውስጥ ሊያስገቡት ይጥራሉ፡፡ (አላሙዲን በገንዘቡ ወርቅም ይግዛበት ወይም ሰው ገበያው ከፈቀደለት (በጎንደርኛ አማርኛ ወርቅ ባሪያ ማለት ይሆናል ሲባል ሰምቻለሁ፤) በብሩም ሆነ በወርቁ ላይ ባለመብት ነው፡፡


ፍርሃት የግል ነውና በፍርሃት ተገንዞ መኖርን አልቃወምም፤ አጥብቄ የምቃወመው ግን ፍርሃትን (ሕመምን) ወደሌላ ሰው ማስታለፍን ነው፤ ፍርሃት እንደማናቸውም ተላላፊ ሕመም በንክኪም ሆነ በንግግር ይተላለፋል፤ አጥብቄ የምቃወመው ወኔ ያለው ኢትዮጵያዊ ሁሉ በፍርሃት ቆፈን እየተጠፈረ ስደተኛ እንዲሆን መገፋፋትን ነው፤ አጥብቄ የምቃወመው ለመብቱና ለነጻነቱ ግፉን እየተቀበለ የግፈኞቹን አረመኔነት በመንፈሳዊ ወኔው የሚጋፈጠውን ከምድረ ኢትዮጵያ እንዲጠፋ ለማድረግ የሚደረገውን ጥረት ነው፤ እኔ አጥብቄ የምቃወመው ኢትዮጵያን በሀብት ደሀ የሆነች አገር ብቻ ሳትሆን በሰውም፣ በአእምሮም፣ በመንፈስም ደሀ የሆነች አገር እንድትሆን በማወቅም ባለማወቅም የሚደረገውን ጥረት ነው፤ የፈረንጅ አገር ኑሮ እንደሚደላና እንደሚጥም እያየን ነው፤ በፈረንጅ አገሮች ላይ የሚውለው የኢትዮጵያ አካል፣ አእምሮና መንፈስ በኢትዮጵያ ላይ ቢውል ኢትዮጵያም የምትደላና የምትጥም አገር ልትሆን ትችል ነበር፤ ጠፍሮ የያዘንን ሰንሰለት በጣጥሰን ችሎታችንን ሁሉ በግንባታ ላይ እንዳናውለው ባንድ በኩል ፍርሃት በሌላ በኩል የሥልጣን ፉክክር አደንዝዞናል፡፡


ቴዲ ገብርኤል በእውቀቱ ‹‹በኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ በመፈጠሩ አኮራለሁ›› ይልን ወዲያውኑ ያንን በኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ በመፈጠሩ የኮራበትን በእውቀቱን ለስደተኛነት ያጨዋል፤ በእውቀቱ በአሜሪካ ስደተኛ ሆኖ ቢቀር በቁሙ ሞቶ ኢትዮጵያ አላጣችውም?አያድርግበትና በእውቀቱ አገሩ ገብተ ወያኔ ቢገድለው ወይም ቢያስረው በወያኔ አረመኔነት በእውቀቱ ሕያው አይሆንም?


ሌላው ያልታሰበው ጉዳይ በሚስተር ቴዲ አስተሳሰብ ‹‹የሚያኮሩ›› ኢትዮጵያውያን ሁሉ ከአገር ከወጡ አገሩ በሙሉ የነሚስተር ቴዲ መሆኑ አይደለም እንዴ! እግዚአብሔር ያውጣን! በእውቀቱንም በደህና ይመልሰውና በአገሩ በሰላም ያኑረው!
ለቀልድ የተባለነው ማለት ‹‹ቢያዩኝ እስቃለሁ፤ ባያዩን እሰርቃለሁ›› የሚለውን ዘዴ መከተል ነው፡፡


ኢትዮጵያውያን በተለይ በደርግና በወያኔ የአገዛዝ ዘመናት በብዛት ለስደት መደረጋቸውን ማንም የሚያውቀው ነው፤ የስደቱ ምክንያት ብዙ ነው፤ ስደተኛው ሁሉ አይወቀስም፤ ነገር ግን የሚወቀሱ ሞልተዋል፤ ምናልባትም የኢትዮጵያን ስደተኞች ልዩ የሚያደርገው ስደተኛውና አሳዳጁ በአንድ አገር ስደተኞች ሆነው፣በአገራቸው ተከባብረው መኖር ያቃታቸው ሰዎች በሰው አገር በግዳቸው ተከባብረው መኖራቸው ነው፤ መቻቻል ማለት እንዲህ ነው!

Tuesday, 5 January 2016

“መፍትሄ ያጣው የቡዳ ፖለቲካችን” ዶ/ር መረራ ጉዲና

“የኢትዮጵያ የታሪክ ፈተናዎች እና የሚጋጩ ህልሞች” በሚል ርዕስ አንጋፋው ፖለቲከኛና የፖለቲካ ሣይንስ ምሁር ዶ/ር መረራ ጉዲና ሰሞኑን ለንባብ ካበቁት ሁለተኛ መጽሐፋቸው የተቀነጨበ

… የቡዳ ጉዳይ በሀገራችን ባሕል ውስጥ የታወቀ ስለሆነ ለማስረዳት ዝርዝር ውስጥ አልገባም፡፡ ቡዳና ፖለቲካችንን ምን አገናኛቸው ለሚለው ጥያቄ ግን ተገቢ መልስ መስጠት ስለአለብኝ አንዳንድ ጭብጦችን ላስቀምጥ፡፡ ተረቱ እንደሚለው፣ አንድ ቡዶችን ለይቶ የማያውቅ ሰው፣ የቡዶች መንደር ይደርስና፣ “እዚህ አካባቢ የቡዶች መንደር አለ ይባላል፣ የትኛው ነው” ብሎ ራሱን፤ ቡዳውን ይጠይቀዋል፡፡ ቡዳው ሰው፣ “ቡዶች የምንባለው እኛው ነን” ለማለት ድፍረት ስላጣ፣ “እኛ እዛ ማዶ ያሉት ናቸው እንላለን፣ እነሱ ደግሞ እኛን ይሉናል” አለ ይባላል፡፡

ላለፉት አርባ ዓመታት ለውጥ ለመምጣት ከአንድ ትውልድ በላይ ቀላል ያልሆነ መስዋእትነት ተከፍሎዋል። የሀገራችን ፖለቲካ ባለህበት እርገጥ ከመሆን፣ አንዳንዴ ደግሞ የኋሊት ከመሄድ አላለፈም፡፡ ሌሎች የአፍሪካ ሀገሮች ለፀረ – ቅኝ አገዛዝ ትግል ከከፈሉት በላይ ሀገራችን ውድ ዋጋ ከፍላለች፣ የታሰበው ለውጥ ግን አልመጣም፡፡ እዚህ ላይ ዋናው ጥያቄ ለሀገራችን ፖለቲካ ምስቅልቅል ጉዞ ኃላፊነቱን የሚወስደው ማነው? የሚለው ነው። ቢያንስ አንዱ በሌላው ላይ ጣት ከመቀሰር አልፎ የየድርሻችንን እንኳ እንውሰድ ሲባል አይታይም፡፡ እንደቡዳው፤ ስህተት የሠራሁት እኔ ነኝ ከማለት ይልቅ፤ አጥፊዎች እነዛ ናቸው ማለት ይቀላል፡፡ የአንድ ትውልድ ምርጦችን ያለርህራሄ የጨፈጨፈው መንግሥቱ ኃይለማርያም እንኳ “ሰው ይቅርና ዝንብ አልገደልኩም” ነበር ያለው፡፡ ተባባሪዎቹ የነበሩ የደርግ ባለሥልጣናትም ያንን አስከፊ ግፍ የፈጸምነው “የሀገር ፍቅር ያንገበገበን ወታደሮች ነበርን” እያሉ መጽሐፍ እየጻፉ ነው፡፡ የጥፋት ኃላፊነቱንም በሌሎች ላይ እየደፈደፉ ነው፡፡ ቢያንስ ብዙዎቹ በድንቁርና ለጨፈጨፉዋቸው ዜጐች ኃላፊነቱን ለመውሰድ አልተዘጋጁም፡፡ እውነቱን ለመናገር እኔም ባለፈው ጊዜ በጻፍኩት መጽሐፌ ላይ የነገሮችን ሚዛን ለመጠበቅ በጣም አስቸግሮኝ እንደነበረ አስታውሳለሁ። ለአብነት፤ የቀድሞ የመኢሶን ጓዶቼ ከኢሕአፓ ጋር አመሳሰልከን የሚል ቅሬታ እንዳላቸው ነግረውኛል። ታሪክ ፀሐፊዎች ስለ አንድ ድርጊት እርግጠኛ ሆነው መጻፍ ያለባቸው የድርጊቱ ተሳታፊዎች ሲሞቱ ነው የሚሉት የገባኝ አሁን ነው፡፡


አንድ ቀን ከቀድሞ የሕወሓት አመራር አባል ጋር ስለዚህ ጉዳይ አንስተን ስናወራ ለተሠሩት ስህተቶች የኃላፊነት ደረጃ ለድርጅቶች ስጥ ብትለኝ ደርግ አንደኛ፣ ሕወሓት ሁለተኛ፣ ኢሕአፓ ያንተ ድርጅት ስለሆነ ነው ወንጀሉን ያስነሳከው” አለኝ፡፡ የቀልድም ይሁን፤ የምር አስተያየቱ ቢያናድደኝም፣ ገርሞኛል፡፡


በእኛ ትውልድ ስላየናቸው የአፄ ኃይለሥላሴ፣ የደርግና የኢሕአዴግ መንግሥታት የትኛውን ትመርጣለህ ቢባል፣ የየዘመኑ ተጠቃሚ ያለምንም ጭንቀት እራሱ ተጠቃሚ የነበረበትን ሊመርጥ እንደሚችል ይገመታል። በሕዝብ ደረጃ ሲታሰብ ግን፤ እንደጊዜው ሁኔታ ሊታይ እንደሚችል አያጠራጥርም፡፡ ከቀይ ሽብር በኋላ፣ አብዮቱ የደርግ መንግሥት ጭፍጨፋ እየመረረው ሲመጣ ብዙ ወጣቶች፤ “ተፈሪ ማረኝ፣ የደርጉ ነገር ምንም አላማረኝ” ሲሉ መስማቴን አስታውሳለሁ፡፡ ይህ ምርጫ እንደየ ማህበረሰቡም ሊለያይ ይችላል፡፡ ኦሮሚያና ደቡብ ውስጥ፣ ከዝንጀሮ ቆንጆ…ቢሆንም የደርግ መንግሥት ሊመረጥ ይችላል፡፡ የኢትዮጵያ ተማሪዎች ንቅናቄ ውለታ ይሁን፣ የደርግ መንግሥት፣ የመሬት አዋጅ በእነዚህ አካባቢዎች እስከ ዛሬም ድረስ እጅግ በጣም ሰፊ ድጋፍ አለው፡፡


የቡዳ ፖለቲካችንን ከሁሉም በላይ አስቸጋሪ የሚያደርገው ሁሌም ጥፋተኞች እኛ ሳንሆን እነዛ ናቸው ብለን ስለምንደርቅ ነው፡፡ እዚህ ላይ ፈረንጆች የሚበልጡን በሁለት መሠረታዊ ጉዳዮች ነው፡፡ አንደኛው፣ ለነሱ ዛሬ ለደረሱበት ደረጃ ጥፋት መቀበልን እንደሞት አያዩትም፡፡ ሁለተኛ፤ ሥልጣንን የሙጥኝ በማለት አጥፍቶ መጥፋትን ከባህላቸው አስወግደዋል ወይም የኋላቀሮች አስተሳሰብ አድርገውታል፡፡ ቢያንስ ከሂትለር ወዲህ የአብዛኞቹ ጉዞ በዚህ አቅጣጫ ነው፡፡ ሦስተኛው፣ ፖለቲካቸው ሰጥቶ መቀበል ላይ የተመሠረተ ነው፡፡ ሁሉንም አግኝ ወይንም ሁሉንም እጣ (Zero –sum-game) የሚባለውን ፖለቲካ ከልብ እየተው መጥተዋል፡፡ ይበልጥ ደግሞ ከሥልጣን በኋላ፣ ጥሩ ኑሮ መኖርም፣ ክብር ማግኘትም እንደሚቻል አውቀዋል፡፡ እንደውም ከሥልጣን በኋላ ያለጭንቀት የተደላደለ ኑሮ መኖር እንደሚቻል ያውቃሉ፡፡ ኦባማ በአፍሪካ ኅብረት ንግግሩ የአፍሪካ መሪዎችን ለማስተማር የሞከረው ይህንኑ ነው፡፡ ትምህርቱ ገብቶት ይሁን፤ በተለመደው የኢሕአዴግ ባለሥልጣናት የማስመሰል ፖለቲካ፤ የኢትዮጵያው ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትርም ሲያጨበጭብ አይቻለሁ፡፡ …



Sunday, 3 January 2016

የህዳሴው ገደል እምን ላይ ደረሰ? (በውቀቱ ስዩም)

አውሮፕላን መጣ እየገሰገሰ
በዘፈን አንደኛ ሙሉቀን መለሰ
(እስከመቸ ድረስ ጥላሁን ገሰሰ)
የህዳሴው ገደል እምን ላይ ደረሰ? Lol
የህዳሴውን ግድብ ወደ “ህዳሴው ገደል” ያሸጋገረውን ስምምነት የፈረመው ሰውየ “እጁን ለቁርጥማት፤ ደረቱን ለውጋት” እንዲዳርገው በመመረቅ ወደ ሰላምታየ እገባለሁ፡፡ እንዴት ናችሁ፤ ያልታደላችሁ? እኔ በህይወቴ በተለያየ ጊዜ ተስፋ ቆርጫለሁ፡፡ እንደ ዘንድሮ ተስፋን፤ ከሻኛውና ከፍሪምባው አፈራርቄ የቆረጥሁበት ጊዜ አልገጠመኝም፡፡Ethiopian author and poet, Bewketu Seyoum
መንግሥትም ሃያ አመት ሙሉ አጥሮ፤ ሃያ ዓመት ሙሉ ቆፍሮ የተሳካለት ኣይመስልም ፡፡ “በየቦታው እንምሳለን፡፡ ለመጭው ትውልድ ነዳጅ ሳይሆን ጉዱጓድ እናወርሳለን” የሚል ነው የሚመስለው፡፡ የዛሬ አስራ አምስት አመት ገደማ ውሃ ማቆር የተባለ ፕሮጀክት ነድፎ ነበር፡፡ እናም ኅብረተሰቡ በየጓሮው ሮቶ ሮቶ የሚያክል ጉድጓድ እየቆፈረ የዝናብ ውሃ እንዲያቁር ትዛዝ ተላልፎለት ነበር፡፡ ከዚያ በኋላ ውጤቱ ምንድን ነበር? የየሰፈሩ ሰካራም በየጉድጓዱ እየገባ አለቀ ፡፡ ይሁን እንጂ መንግሥት፤ ስንት ሰካራም አጥንቱን የከሰከሰበትን ፤ ደሙን ያፈሰሰበትን ፕሮጄክት ድንገት ሰረዘ፡፡ በጊዜው የተወሰኑ ሰዎች ለዶማና ላካፋ መግዣ በሚል ወፍራም በጀት አስለቅቀው ከድህነት ተላቀቁ ፡፡ አገሪቱ ግን የግዜር ገበጣ መጫወቻ መስላ ቀጠለች፡፡ የውሃ ማቆር ፕሮጀክሩ ቢቀጥል ኖሮ ዛሬ የህዳሴውን ገደል ለመሙላት ግብጽን አንለማመጥም ነበር፡፡
መንግስት ደከመኝ ሰለቸኝ ሳይል የማይፈጽመውን እያቀደ፤ አዲስአበቤም ደከመኝ ሰለቸኝ ሳይል በችግሩ እየቀለደ፤ ሃያ አምስት አመት ተገባደደ፡ ፡በውቄም ስኮላርሺፕ በሚል ሰበብ፤ ማንነታቸው ያልታወቀ ፌዴራል ፖሊሶች የሚወረውሩት ቦምብ ወደማይደርስበት ቦታ ተሰደደ፡፡ በግንቦት ወር ወደ አገሩ ሲመለስ ችግር ይገጠመው ይሆን?ወይስ በእጃችን እንይጠፋብን ብለው ይተውት ይሆን? ቀጣዩን ክፍል በመጭው ግንቦት ይጠብቁ፡፡ግን መንግስትን መተቸት ህገመንግሥታዊ መብቴ መሆኑ ይሰመርበት ፡፡ በርግጥ ህገመንግስቱ እንደ ኣዲስ ኣበባ ምግብ ቤቶች Menu ነው፡፡ የተጻፈውን በተግባር ስትፈልገው አታገኘውም፡፡
በነገራችን ላይ ጠቅላይ ምኒስትር ኃይለማርያም ደሳለኝ የሆነ መጽሄት ላይ “ያመቱ ሰው” ተብለው መሸለማቸውን ሰምቼ ተደስቻለሁ፤ ሲያንሳቸው ነው፡፡ ይሄን ያክል እየተተረበ፤ ይሄን ያክል እየተሰደበ፤ ይሄን ያክል ከታችም ከላይም ንቀት እየተከናነበ ቆሞ መሄድ የቻለ ሰው፤ ሽልማት አነሰው?
እኔም እንሆ፤ ሰሜን አሜሪካ ጫፍ አርፌ
በጀርባየ የካናዳን የጉም ግድግዳ ተደግፌ
ከጢሜ ላይ የኮካኮላ ጤዛ ፤ከኪቦርዴ ላይ በረዶየን አራግፌ
“የኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ ሆይ ተባብረህ ተነስተህ ላንዴና ለመጨረሻ ግዜ አምባገነኑን ሥርአት ገርስስ” እያልሁ ነጋሪት ስደልቅ ፤አዲስ አበቤም “ወይ ኦን ላይን ያለ ሰው!” እያለ በኔ ላይ ሲስቅ፤ ጀምበር ”ሎግ አውት” አድርጋ ጥልቅ፡፡
ባለፈው 53 የፖለቲካና የሃይማኖት ድርጅቶች መግለጫ አውጡ ሲባል ስቄ ልሞት፡፡ ያሁላ ፓርቲ ቢሮ አለው? ወይስ ህልሙን ባሮጌ ሳምሶናዊት ሸክፎ የሚዞረው ሁሉ ተቆጥሮ ነው?ግሩም ነው መቸም፡፡ ኢትዮጵያ በቀንድ ከብት አንደኛ ሆና ወተት ይርባታል ፤ አምሳ ሦስት የፖለቲካ ፓርቲ ኖሯት ፖለቲካው ቸግራታል፤ እንዲያው ምን ይሻላታል?
ድሮ የኔ ቢጤ ባይተዋር ሰው ሲጨንቀው ሰላም ፍለጋ ወደ ቸርች ነበር የሚሄደው፡፡ አሁን በየቤተክስያኑ ድብድብ ነው፡፡ እዚያ ዲሲ ቤተክስያን ልትስሚ ከሄድሽ በነጠላሽ ላይ የጥይት መከላከያ መደረብ አለብሽ ፡፡ እነ አባባ ቆባቸው በሮ እስኪሄድ ሲከታከቱ ታዝበሽ፤ ከተወረወረ መቋሚያ በመትረፍሽ ኣንድየን አመስግነሽ፤ ወደ ቤትሽ ትመለሻለሽ፡፡ ባገር ቤት፤ ቤተክርስትያን ውስጥ አንድ ቄስ በዲያቆናት ሲታጀብ፤ የዲሲ አበሻ ቄሶች ግን በፖሊስ ታጅበው ነው የሚቀድሱ፡፡ እንዲያውም የፈረንጅ ፖሊሶች ለግልግል እየተጠሩ ቤተክስያኑን ከማዘውተራቸው የተነሣ ቅዳሴውን ለምደው ተሰጥኦ ሁሉ መቀበል ጀምረዋል፡፡
በነገራችን ላይ ላገራችን የገጠር ቄስ ክብር አለኝ፡፡ “ዳዋ ጥሶ፤ ጤዛ ልሶ፤ ድንጋይ ተንተርሶ፤ ግርማ ሌሊትን፤ ጸብአ አጋንንትን ታግሶ ፤የሚኖር ነው፡፡ የዲሲ ቄስ በበኩሉ ሙዳየ ምጽዋት አፍሶ፤ አይስክሬሙን ልሶ ፤የንስሃ ልጁን ጡት ተንተርሶ ፤ በቴስታ ተከሳክሶ ይኖራል የሚል ሀሜት አለ፡፡
የዛሬውን የህትመት ዳሰሳየን የምቋጨው በመሬት “ ትንታኔ“ ነው፡፡ ያዲስ አበባ የመሬት ችግር የመነጨው ከዘጠና ሰባት በኋላ ይመስለኛል፡፡ ጌቶች በነዋሪው ተስፋ ስለቆረጡ፤ በስልጣናቸውም ዋስትና ስላጡ፤ “ኪስህ ነው የቅርብ ወዳጅህ” የሚለውን ዘፈን ማንጎራጎር መረጡ፡፡ ይህንን ዝንባሌ እኔና ቢጤዎቼ የቀኝ አዝማች ሰውነቴ “ ሲንድረም ”ብለን እንጠራዋለን፡፡
ቀኛማች ሰውነቴ ከደብረማርቆስ ባላባቶች አንዱ ነበሩ፡፡ እና በስድሳ ስድስቱ አብዮት ዋዜማ የጭሰኞቻቸውን መሬት ጆሮ ጆሮውን ብለው ካቲካላ ጠጡበት ፡፡ባላባት ጓደኞቻቸው ለምን እንዲያ እንደሚያረጉ ሲጠይቋቸው“ መሬት ሳትበላኝ ልብላት ብየ ነው” አሉ ይባላል፡፡