Ethiopia: Crackdown on Dissent Intensifies as Journalists Convicted

CIVICUS: WORLD ALLIANCE FOR CITIZEN PARTICIPATION, EAST AND HORN OF AFRICA HUMAN RIGHTS DEFENDERS PROJECT AND ETHIOPIA HUMAN RIGHTS PROJECT

Ethiopia’s already limited space for civil society and human rights defenders is undergoing further contraction, warns CIVICUS, The East and Horn of Africa Human Rights Defenders Project, and the Ethiopia Human Rights Project (EHRP). Throughout 2014, Ethiopian authorities have orchestrated an unprecedented legislative assault on journalists, and independent voices within civil society, undermining fundamental human rights and restricting the operating environment for civil society and human rights defenders.

On 27 October 2014, prominent newspaper editor Temesgen Desalegn was sentenced to three years imprisonment on politically motivated charges of provoking incitement against the state. Temesgen and his now defunct newspaper, Feteh, were targeted under Ethiopian Criminal Code provisions. The charges, which are widely viewed as an attempt to silence independent reporting on sensitive issues, stem from articles published by Feteh on demonstrations organised by Muslim groups and youth activists in 2012.

Earlier this month, three magazine owners were sentenced to sentences ranging from three years and three months to three years and eleven months in absentia. They are Endalkachew Tesfaye of the Addis Guday magazine, Fatuma Nuriya of Fact, and Gizaw Taye of Lomi. The charges levelled against them included “inciting violent revolts, printing and distributing unfounded rumours and conspiring to unlawfully abolish the constitutional system of the country.” In August 2014, the Ministry of Justice accused six weekly papers of committing unsubstantiated crimes against the state. There are concerns that the three other newspapers listed in the communique, including Afro-Times, Enqu and Jano, will also be targeted.

“The recent convictions are indicative of the intolerance of the Ethiopian state towards any kind of dissent. It is a widely held view that the current government is becoming particularly sensitive to public scrutiny as it readies for national elections in May 2015,” said Mandeep Tiwana, Head of Policy and Research at CIVICUS. “With at least 17 journalists and bloggers currently imprisoned in Ethiopia, the country is believed to be the second largest imprisoner of journalists in Sub -Saharan Africa after Eritrea.”

In addition to the wilful misapplication of the Criminal Code, sweeping provisions of Ethiopia’s 2009 Anti-Terrorism Proclamation continue to be invoked to silence journalists and human rights defenders. On 17 July 2014, six members of the blogger’s collective, Zone 9, and three independent journalists, were charged with planning terrorist acts and committing outrages against the Constitution under the Anti-Terrorism proclamation and Ethiopian Criminal Code.

In addition, a seventh member of Zone 9, Soliyana Gebremicheal, who also coordinates the Ethiopian Human Rights Project, was charged in absentia with leading the group. As justification for the charges, the public prosecutor pointed to Soliyana’s recent involvement in a digital security training organised by international human rights groups.

“In the run up to national elections, the increasing trend of arbitrary arrest and detention, politically motivated prosecutions, and intimidation of independent voices within civil society is deeply concerning,” said Soleyana Gebremichael, of the Ethiopia Human Rights Project. “Similar trends were notable in the run-up to the 2010 national election, in which the ruling EPRDF party won 99.6% of parliamentary seats.”

The escalating crackdown in the country comes at a time of growing concern among the international community over Ethiopia’s disregard for its national and international human rights obligations. In September this year, six independent UN experts urged the government to cease misusing the Anti-Terrorism proclamation to curb the rights to freedom of expression and association. In May 2014, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights also raised concern about the climate of intimidation of human rights defenders in Ethiopia.

“In Ethiopia over the last five years, we have seen the wholesale disappearance of the human rights community, with countless human rights defenders forced into exile due to heavy-handed and manifestly unlawful state tactics aimed at undermining their work,” said Hassan Shire, Executive Director of the East and Horn of African Human Rights Defenders Project. “Throughout 2014, the risks facing journalists and independent human rights voices have reached unprecedented new heights.”

The Ethiopian government continues to ignore calls from the international community to institute substantive reforms to rectify the human rights situation in the country. In September 2014, during the adoption of its UN Universal Period Review Report, Ethiopian authorities refused to accept a number of recommendations to release imprisoned journalists and activists in the country or revise the Anti-Terrorism proclamation, despite calls from civil society organisations and a number of governments.

CIVICUS, the East and Horn of Africa Human Rights Defenders Project, and the Ethiopia Human Rights Project urge Ethiopia’s trade and development partners to engage with the Ethiopian government with a view to ending the on-going crackdown on human rights defenders and civil society.

Read more

Ethiopia: U.S. Deeply Concerned by Sentence of Ethiopian Journalist

press release

By Jen Psaki

Washington, DC — The United States is deeply concerned by the October 27 sentencing of Ethiopian journalist Temesgen Desalegn to three years in prison for “provocation and dissemination of inaccurate information.” Freedom of expression and freedom of the press are fundamental elements of a democratic society, and the promotion and protection of these rights and freedoms are basic responsibilities of democratic governments.

As President Obama stated during his meeting in September with Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam, it is important that Ethiopia’s progress and positive example on economic development and regional conflict resolution extends to civil society as well. We urge Ethiopia to make similar progress with regard to respect for press freedom and the free flow of ideas and reiterate our call for the Ethiopian government to release journalists imprisoned for exercising their right to freedom of expression.

Read more

Because I am Oromo: a sweeping repression in Oromia, Ethiopia

 

(OPride) —At least 5,000 Oromos have been illegally detained since 2011 based solely on the suspicion that they don’t support the Ethiopian government, Amnesty International said. Many of the victims are held without charge for months or even years and subjected to repeated torture, it said.

Oromos from all walks of life, including peaceful protesters, students, members of opposition political parties, farmers, teachers, medical professionals, civil servants, singers, businesspeople and countless others, were targeted by the arrests, according to Amnesty. While some of the victims were suspected of having links to the outlawed Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), many others were simply accused of ‘inciting’ opposition to the government, the report added.

Amnesty’s report, titled “Because I am Oromo,” which is based on more than 200 testimonies gathered in Ethiopia, Kenya and Uganda, documents Ethiopia’s discriminate and disproportionate targeting of the Oromo people through “arbitrary arrests, prolonged detention without charge, enforced disappearance, repeated torture and unlawful state killings.”

“Any signs of perceived dissent in the [Oromia] region are sought out and suppressed, frequently pre-emptively and often brutally,” the London-based advocacy group noted in the report. “Family members of suspects have also been targeted by association – based only on the suspicion they shared or ‘inherited’ their relative’s views – or are arrested in place of their wanted relative.” 

The Oromo make up more than 40 percent of Ethiopia’s 92 million population. The authorities’ “incessant attempts to crush Oromo dissent” underscores the growing fear of assertive Oromo nationalism. But Oromo activists say Amnesty’s report grossly underestimates the number of Oromos who were actually detained over the last four years. Activists say 90 percent of Ethiopia’s prison population is Oromo (estimated at more than 25,000 political prisoners). This fact has been corroborated by former Ethiopia government officials including Seye Abraha, former defense minister-turned opposition leader, who in 2008 famously noted, Ethiopian prisons speak Afaan Oromo, the Oromo language. Former Ethiopian president Negasso Gidada also noted that there were about 20,000 Oromo political prisoners during his tenure. 

Earlier this year, a partial list of 528 individuals sentenced to death and life imprisonment through 2013 underscored the indiscriminate targeting of Oromo people. Of some 528 individuals who were sentenced to death or life imprisonment by the Ethiopian courts, 459 were Oromo nationals, the report said. The disproportionate targeting of Oromo for surveillance and repression has also been reported by Human Rights Watch. “The government uses the specter of an ongoing OLF ‘armed struggle’ to justify widespread repression of Oromo individuals,” the HRW said in a detailed report, released in April. “Thousands of Oromo from all walks of life have been targeted for arbitrary detention, torture and other abuses even when there has been no evidence linking them to the OLF.”

In April and May 2014, Oromo students at all regional universities in Oromia took to the streets to protest the unconstitutional expansion of Addis Ababa’s jurisdiction into surrounding Oromia towns. Dozens of peaceful protesters were killed by live bullets fired at crowds while hundreds were arbitrarily arrested and are still being held at various military barracks around the country. The government has consistently denied reports by international human rights organizations, including Amnesty International, whose staff was expelled in 2011. 

Two prominent Oromo opposition leaders Bekele Gerba and Olbana Lelisa were detained for meeting with Amnesty’s staff and are serving long-term sentences. Gerba, who has fully served out his reduced time, was widely expected to be released earlier this year. However, according to family sources, prison officials gave conflicting reasons for his continued imprisonment, including that his time at the Maekelawi prison doesn’t count or his file was misplaced. Both Gerba and Lelisa remain in prison with restricted and limited medical care despite reports that both are severely ill. At least two Oromo activists have died in prison over the last three years from the torture they have endured.  

Read more

Ethiopia ‘ruthlessly targeting’ and torturing Oromo people, says Amnesty

Damning report says thousands of people from country’s largest ethnic group are subjected to abuse including rape and killings
Guardian, Tuesday 28 October 2014

Oromo demonstrators protest in London earlier this year following the killing of student protesters in Oromia state by Ethiopian security forces. Photograph: Peter Marshall/Demotix/Corbis

Ethiopia has “ruthlessly targeted” and tortured its largest ethnic group owing to a perceived opposition to the government, Amnesty International has said.

Thousands of people from the Oromo ethnic group have been “regularly subjected to arbitrary arrest, prolonged detention without charge, enforced disappearance, repeated torture and unlawful state killings,” according to a damning report based on more than 200 testimonies. “Dozens of actual or suspected dissenters have been killed.”

At least 5,000 Oromos have been arrested since 2011 often for the “most tenuous of reasons”, for their opposition – real or simply assumed – to the government, the report added.
Many are accused of supporting the rebel Oromo Liberation Front (OLF).

Former detainees who have fled the country and were interviewed by Amnesty in neighbouring Kenya, Somaliland and Uganda described torture “including beatings, electric shocks, mock execution, burning with heated metal or molten plastic and rape, including gang-rape”, the report added.

One young girl said hot coals had been dropped on her stomach because her father was suspected of supporting the OLF, while a teacher described how he was stabbed in the eye with a bayonet after he refused to teach “propaganda about the ruling party” to students.

There was no immediate response from the government, which has previously dismissed such reports and denied any accusation of torture or arbitrary arrests.

“The Ethiopian government’s relentless crackdown on real or imagined dissent among the Oromo is sweeping in its scale and often shocking in its brutality,” the Amnesty researcher Claire Beston said.
“This is apparently intended to warn, control or silence all signs of ‘political disobedience’ in the region,” she added, describing how those she interviewed bore the signs of torture, including scars and burns, as well as missing fingers, ears and teeth.

With nearly 27 million people, Oromia is the most populated of the country’s federal states and has its own language, Oromo, which is distinct from Ethiopia’s official Amharic language.
Some of those who spoke to Amnesty said people had been arrested for organising a student cultural group. Another said she was arrested because she delivered the baby of the wife of a suspected OLF member.

“Frequently, it’s because they refused to join the ruling party,” Beston added, warning that many were fearful attacks would increase before general elections slated for May 2015.

In April and May, security forces shot dead student protesters in Oromia. At the time, the government said eight had been killed, but groups including Human Rights Watch said the toll was believed to be far higher. Amnesty said “dozens” had been killed in the protests.

Read more

Ethiopian court sentences journalist to three years in prison

Nairobi, October 27, 2014--The Committee to Protect Journalists condemns today's sentencing of Ethiopian journalist Temesghen Desalegn to three years' imprisonment on charges of defamation and incitement that date back to 2012. A court in Addis Ababa, the capital, convicted Temesgen on October 13 in connection with opinion pieces published in the now-defunct Feteh news magazine, according to news reports. He was arrested the same day. Authorities have routinely targeted Temesghen for his writing. Temesghen's lawyer said he plans to appeal the ruling, according to local journalists.

"With each journalist sentenced to prison, Ethiopia takes another step further from freedom of the press and democratic society," said CPJ East Africa Representative Tom Rhodes. "We urge Ethiopian authorities to overturn Temesghen's conviction on appeal and release him and all other journalists jailed for doing their jobs."

A state crackdown on independent publications and bloggers has taken place in Ethiopia this year, prompting several Ethiopian journalists to flee into exile, according to CPJ research. With at least 17 journalists in jail, Ethiopia is the second worst jailer of journalists in Africa, second only to its neighbor Eritrea, CPJ research shows.

Read more

Nine parties to “cooperate” for upcoming election

Addis Ababa, Ethiopia – Nine opposition parties have formed a platform for cooperation to stand together in the upcoming election and, in the long run, to create a platform where the parties can work together to ensure the existence of free, fair, participatory and credible elections, to expand the political space and to work on issues related to human and democratic rights of citizens.

The cooperation between these parties was disclosed on October 22 at the offices of the Semayawi Party (Blue) and, according to the statement given by the organizers of the cooperation, Yilikal Getnet (Eng.) of Semaywi Party and Girma Bekele of the Omo Peoples’ Democratic Unity were elected as chairman and secretary of the cooperation, respectively.

The nine parties that formed the cooperation are the All Ethiopian Unity Organization (AEUO), the All Ethiopian Democratic Party (AEDP), All Amhara People’s Organization (AAPO), Semayawi Party, Sodo Gordena Peoples’ Democratic Organization (SGPDO), Ethiopian National Unity Party (ENUP), Omo Peoples’ Democratic Union (OPDU), Kembata Peoples’ Congress (KPC), and Gedio People’s Democratic Organization (GPDO).

Read more

General Kemal is in charge, OLF says

WASHINGTON, DC - General Kemal Gelchu is in charge of the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), and the news that he has been removed from his post is a baseless report by a group of individuals already suspended by the chairman and pending further action by the Central Committee, a new press release  said on Saturday.

"We would like to assure the wider Oromo people at home and in diaspora that the general is in full command of the Organization and the information given by few failed individuals of our Organization is false and baseless," the latest OLF press release said on Saturday.

The suspended individuals were on the verge of being investigated for their crimes, and the method they used to evade accountability is to misinform the public that the chairman has been removed, the press release said.

Here is the press release

http://www.ethiomedia.com/15store/general_kemal_is_in_charge.pdf 
http://www.ethiomedia.com/15store/general_kemal_is_in_charge.pdf

Read more

Berhanu Nega says Eritrea crucial to building capacity

                                         Dr Berhanu Nega (right) with Ethiomedia editor Abraha Belai 

Dr Berhanu Nega, chairman of Ginbot 7, the Movement for Freedom, Justice and Democracy, was in Seattle recently. He addressed Ethiopians on the progress of Ginbot 7 as well as the overall political situation in Ethiopia. Later in the evening, some friends met Dr Berhanu and asked him a few questions:

Ethiomedia - How is Ginbot 7 following the arrest of Andargachew Tsege?

Dr Berhanu - Counter to the desire of the TPLF/EPRDF regime, the arrest of Andargachew has galvanized the struggle for justice and democracy. The abduction and eventual end of Andargachew in a Woyane prison has sparked anger throughout the Ethiopian diaspora as evidenced by the protests and demonstrations seen in many countries, including the United States and Europe. We believe the condition back in Ethiopia is no different than what has been witnessed in the Diaspora.

Ethiomedia- When are you to pull out of Eritrea?

Dr Berhanu - Why should we?

Ethiomedia - You think you will succeed where many other Ethiopians before you have failed?

Dr Berhanu - Can you give me a reason for their failure?

Ethiomedia - Because the Eritrean regime didn't want the emergence of a united Ethiopian force that would topple TPLF.

Dr Berhanu - No, I don't accept that. Those organizations that were in Eritrea failed not because of the Eritrean regime but because they lacked leadership qualities. Poor leadership was to blame for their own failure.But holding the Ertirean regime for their own weaknesses was the easiest excuse to offer. The Eritrean regime doesn't interfere in our affairs, and if we fail, we blame no one but ourselves.

Ethiomedia- Take the case of Col. Fesseha, the TPDM leader. Many sources said the former TPLF rebel who joined and became a prominent leader of the heavily-armed TPDM was murdered by the Eritrean regime. How come?

Dr Berhanu - You got the information wrong. Fesseha was killed during an argument with an Eritrean known for having mental sickness. But opponents of the Eritrean regime were quick to make it as a politically charged murder.

Ethiomedia - So, no reason to pull out of Eritrea?

Dr Berhanu - We are not saying we will depend on Eritrea forever. We need to build our fighting capacity, and the only ideal place to achieve our goal is in Eritrea. Once we are done with building our [fighting capacity], we will move into our country where we shall fight to secure our own military base.

Ethiomedia - Your organization vows to use both the peaceful and armed struggle to effect a political change in Ethiopia. How is the progress on the armed side?

Dr Berhanu - We are currently working to bring Ginbot 7, Ethiopian Patriots and TPDM into one fold. We are working so that these three Ethiopian organizations build a common front. We believe this will greatly enhance the armed struggle against the ruling party in Ethiopia.

Ethiomedia - Any time frame?

Dr Berhanu - I can't be specific but we hope to move into a higher gear this year.

Source-    Ethiomedia

Read more

የዛሬው የፍርድ ቤት ቆይታ

የዛሬው የፍርድ ቤት ቆይታ

October 21, 2014

(ከዞን ዘጠኝ)

ኤዶም እና ማህሌት

በዛሬው ዕለት በጋዜጠኛ ኤዶም ካሳዬ እና በዞን ዘጠኝ ጦማሪት ማኅሌት ፋንታሁን የእስር ቤት አያያዝ ጉዳይ በተመለከተ በጠያቂዎቻቸው እና በራሳቸው ላይ የሚደርሰውን ወከባና ማሸማቀቅ፣ ከቤተሰብ ውጪ እና ካስመዘገቧቸው ሰዎች ውጪ እንዳይጠየቁ መከልከላቸውን እንዲሁም፤ በተጠርጣሪነት እያሉ በእስር ቤት ውስጥ አሸባሪ እያሉ የስም ማጥፋት እንደሚደርስባቸው በገለጹት መሰረት በተደጋጋሚ ማረሚያ ቤቱ ሃላፊ ለፍርድ ቤት መጥቶ እንዲያስረዳ ተጠይቆ የነበረ መሆኑ ይታወቃል፡፡

በዛሬው እለት በነኤዶም የቀረቡትን ቅሬታዎችና በደሎች የማረሚያ ቤቱ ተወካይ የካዱ ሲሆን በፍርድ ቤት ውስጥ የነበሩትን እና በደሉ የደረሰባቸውን ጭምር ያበሳጨ መልስ ነበር፤ ዳኛው እንደዚህ ዓይነት ጉዳዮችን በቸልታ እንደማይመለከትና በድጋሚ እንደዚህ አይነት ጥፋቶች እንዳይከሰቱ በማለት ትዕዛዝ አስተላልፏል፡፡ በሰዓቱ ቀርበው የነበሩት በቂሊንጦ የሚገኙት ጦማሪንና ጋዜጠኞች በዘላለም ክብረት አማካኝነት መጽሃፍ እንዳይገባ መከልከሉን ተቃውመው ሃሳባቸውን ለፍርድ ቤት አቅርበው የነበረ ቢሆንም ዳኛው የዛሬው ቀጠሮ በቃሊቲ ጉዳይ ብቻ በመሆኑ የነሱን ጉዳይ እንደማይመለከቱና ጉዳያቸው እንዲታይላቸው ከፈለጉ ማመልከት አንደሚችሉ ገልጸዋል፡፡

በፎቶው ላይ ከፊት የሚታዩት ጋዘጠኛ ኤዶም እና ጦማሪት ማህሌት ሲሆኑ፤ ሌሎቹም የዞን ዘጠኝ ተከሳሾች ከነሱ ኋላ ይታያሉ

Read more

“Ethiopia Should Free Journalists from Jail and Exile” - IFJ

The Federation of African Journalists (FAJ), the Africa regional group of the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ), has today called on the Ethiopia Government to free all journalists jailed and to allow the exiled journalists to come back and work for the mother country, Ethiopia.

The FAJ made this call while mourning the untimely death of exiled Ethiopian journalist, Million Shurube, who passed away at the Kenyatta National Hospital in Nairobi (Kenya), on Monday, 13 October, 2014 after a brief illness. 
 
“We offer our heartfelt sympathies to the family of Shurube and the entire journalists’ fraternity in Ethiopia”, said the President of the Federation of African Journalists (FAJ), Mohamed Garba. “Such situations are difficult for every family, most especially when one reflects on the fact that Shurube was forced into exile because of his job and his right to freedom of expression”.

Journalists have been on the receiving end of various forms of repression, across the globe this year, resulting in deaths, tribulations and immense suffering. “The Ethiopia Government must review its engagement with journalists and see them as crucial partners in development rather than opponents that need to be silenced” Garba added.

According to reports, Million Shurube was the founder and managing editor of the defunct weekly Maraki Magazine, and was one of a dozen of Ethiopian journalists forced into exile recently, having been harassed, threatened, accused, and charged with terrorism offenses. He fled to Kenya last September to escape from imprisonment, and had been in Nairobi for only a month.
He fell ill last week and was rushed to Mama Lucy Hospital in Nairobi and then transferred to Kenyatta National Hospital, where he died on Monday October 13.

Million Shurube had also worked for different publications including the now-defunct Abay, Ethiop, and Google newspapers, was known for his exciting writings on issues including art, religion, tradition, and was also outspoken and inspiring with articles on the political and human rights in Ethiopia.

The President of the Federation of African Journalists (FAJ), Mohammed Garba, also extended his sincere condolences to the family and his gratitude to journalists and media fraternity in Kenya and Ethiopia, and to the Eastern Africa Journalists Association (EAJA) who have put their acts together to support the family to return the body home in Ethiopia for burial.

The FAJ President called on Ethiopia government to be more tolerant to journalists and the media and to bring their media laws into conformity with internationally recognized standards.
According to the FAJ President, “the repressions, intimidations, harassments and sufferings that most journalists face today are simply because of the unfriendly laws that govern the media in the country”.

EAJA, the Federation of African Journalists (FAJ) and the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) officers met and held discussions with the Ethiopian Government Communication Affairs Office Minister, Redwan Hussien, in September and raised the situation of Ethiopian journalists in jail and in exile.

The meeting with the Ethiopian Minister came following concerns over the high number of Ethiopian journalists who have been fleeing into exile and the cases of those either in jail or facing court cases following government crackdown on the media and journalists.

Source- IFJ

Read more

Ethiopians in Norway protest against FM Tewdros Adhanom

Ethiopians residing in Norway have protested the presence of Ethiopian Foreign Minister, Tewdors Adhanom Gebreyesus, who is in an official visit in Norway. The Minister reportedly met with senior
Norwegian government officials and businesses and the academia so far.

Ethiopians have protested saying that a “humble looking official that represents a terrorist government should not be present in Norway”.

Watch the video

Read more

Ethiopia - Country Case Study Update

London — A country case study update on Ethiopia which forms part or the 2013 Human Rights and Democracy Report.

Progress on most economic and social rights continues on a broadly positive trend. Ethiopia is on track to achieve most of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). Most recently, Ethiopia achieved the MDG 4 target reducing mortality of children under five by 67%, the maternal mortality rate has declined by 69% since 1990, and the incidence of malaria has halved. Over two thirds of government expenditure is allocated to basic service provision. Ethiopia is also taking steps to address gender and sub-regional inequalities. At the Girl Summit in London in July 2014, Ethiopia committed to ending early and forced marriage and female genital mutilation by 2025.
 
There are concerns in relation to civil and political rights. Ethiopia will hold national elections in May 2015. In this context, we have seen some worrying developments in recent months. These include the terrorism charges brought on 18 July against seven bloggers from the "Zone 9" group, and three journalists; criminal convictions against some publishers; and arrests of opposition party members. The UK will continue to press the Ethiopian government to create the conditions necessary for an inclusive political process.

Two pieces of legislation in particular restrict Ethiopian citizens' ability to exercise some of the civil and political rights guaranteed in the constitution. Civil society organisations' operations continue to be constrained by the Charities and Societies Proclamation (CSP), which introduced limits on foreign sources of funding for Ethiopian charities undertaking certain types of work. Those working on human rights, advocacy, election monitoring, governance, gender equality and security and justice have been particularly affected. The Ethiopian government has made some revisions in implementation of the law, but we are yet to see any amendments on issues such as the regulation of administrative costs.

We have continued to raise concerns about the use of the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation (ATP) with the highest levels of the Ethiopian government. In May 2013, following an agreement with the late Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, a UK government legal advisor visited Ethiopia to discuss Ethiopian and UK anti-terrorism legislation with senior Ethiopian government legal experts. Former Minister for Africa, Mark Simmonds, was in correspondence with the Ethiopian Foreign Minister on the outcomes. In July 2014, the EU issued a joint statement calling for due process and respect for international human rights in relation to the detention under the ATP of the "Zone 9" bloggers, journalists and opposition figures. We will monitor the trials and continue to raise our concerns with the government.

The UK has joined multi-donor visits to regions where communities are being relocated for development investment, and where the Commune Development Programme (CDP, often referred to as "villagisation") is operating. The visits have found no evidence of systematic or widespread human rights abuses, but have found evidence of poor implementation of the CDP, including in terms of community consultation, grievance redress mechanisms and service provision - although implementation appears to have improved over time. The UK will continue to raise these and other concerns with the government of Ethiopia through the Donor Assistance Group.

The UK was particularly concerned by developments in Oromia in April and May this year. An estimated 28 people, perhaps more, died when student protests against plans to expand Addis Ababa into the neighbouring Oromia Regional State turned violent and security forces used lethal force. We have stressed to the government the importance of an investigation into what happened, and for any members of the security forces who have used excessive force to be held to account.

We have conveyed our deep concern to the authorities about the removal from Yemen to Ethiopia of Andargachew Tsege, and have sought assurances that due legal process will be followed and the death sentence imposed in absentia will not be carried out. As soon as we were made aware that Andargachew was in Ethiopia, the Foreign Secretary, Philip Hammond, Mr Simmonds, and our Ambassador to Ethiopia all pressed senior officials and ministers in the Ethiopian government for immediate and regularised consular access. On 11 August, our Ambassador to Ethiopia made a consular visit to Andargachew to check on his welfare. We are now pressing at the highest levels to regularise this access.

SOURCE UK Foreign & Commonwealth Office

Read more

Bloggers Behind Bars: Ethiopia's Zone9ers and Threats to Online Speech Across the Globe

 Global voices

“We want more openness, more transparency,” Ethiopian writer Endalkchew Chala told me in a phone interview. “People deserve choice; people deserve access to the world’s knowledge.” For expressing views like these online, his friends were scheduled to go on trial for terrorism in early August—though the trial was later adjourned to October 15. It briefly reconvened last week then adjourned again until early November.

In July, Ethan Zuckerman wrote a detailed post here on Global Voices describing the origins of the Zone 9 bloggers collective, and why they chose that name, and the implications of their case in Ethiopia. In a nutshell, two years ago Endalk (as his friends and colleagues like to call him) got together with several like-minded young Ethiopian writers and journalists to launch a hard-hitting blog called “Zone9.” The blog’s name derives from Addis Ababa’s infamous Kaliti prison, divided into eight zones with political prisoners confined to Zone Eight. They chose the name Zone9 intending to suggest that the entire nation was becoming a virtual prison—effectively a ninth zone. “All of Ethiopia is part of it,” explains Endalk. In 2011, one inmate, journalist Eskinder Nega, was arrested for the seventh time after writing a column, which ironically criticized the Ethiopian government’s habit of arresting journalists on terrorism charges.

Such edginess was too much for their government to take. Six of the Zone9 bloggers were arrested this past April. Three months later, they were formally charged with terrorism and “related activities.” Endalk, pursuing a graduate degree in Portland, Oregon when the arrests took place, is now their informal spokesperson, blogging and tweeting the latest developments. The group’s alleged crimes include attending trainings by international technical experts on how to use software tools to shield themselves from electronic surveillance. They are also accused of clandestinely organizing themselves into a blogger collective—a bizarre accusation given that Zone9 is a public website.
For the past two years, Endalk and four other Zone9 members also ran the Amharic edition of Global Voices Online. The group translated to Amharic (the dominant local language in Ethiopia) Global Voices posts written by contributors from around the world—particularly those related to activism, freedom of expression, and censorship— of strong relevance to an Ethiopian audience whose state-controlled media is heavily censored.

Bars around the world

The Zone9 bloggers are not the only Global Voices contributors who recently found themselves behind bars, as governments in a growing list of nations have recognized that modern-day connectivity can prove a lethal challenge to their legitimacy and very existence.
Bassel Khartabil, a Syrian-Palestinian computer engineer and open Internet advocate, has been imprisoned in Damascus since March 2012. Alaa Abd El Fattah, an Egyptian activist and blogger arrested in November 2013 for violating Egypt’s new Protest Law, was dealt a 15-year jail sentence along with 25 other activists this past June. He is currently free on bail, but already facing new legal challenges allegedly due to his behavior while in prison. Tajik author Alex Sodiqov—a Ph.D. student at the University of Toronto—was arrested while carrying out academic research in the Gorno-Badakhshan Autonomous Region of Tajikstan. Eventually he was accused of espionage. While he has since been released and allowed to return to Canada, he has yet to be cleared of the charges.
The idea for the Global Voices network came out of a 2004 meeting of bloggers from around the world. It was a time of heady optimism, when bloggers seemed poised to break down barriers and help create a better world. We created a website with the tagline “The world is talking. Are you listening?” As our manifesto put it:
“Thanks to new tools, speech need no longer be controlled by those who own the means of publishing and distribution, or by governments that would restrict thought and communication. Now, anyone can wield the power of the press. Everyone can tell their stories to the world.”
We recruited editors and volunteers from across the globe who helped to curate, translate, and contextualize what bloggers were saying about their countries and regions—what they were observing in their communities, and how people around them were reacting to world events. Eventually, the site came to be translated back and forth in over two dozen languages, mainly by volunteers like the Zone9ers.

Digital connectivity can indeed be revolutionary. In the 21st century, networked technologies are a necessary condition for social and political change. But over the past decade we’ve learned they are insufficient on their own to prevent widespread and systematic human rights violations–let alone bring about a more democratic and just world.

Battling empowerment

Governments are fighting back against the Internet’s empowering, decentralized character. They are upgrading their own institutional, military, and technical power. They are passing laws criminalizing various forms of online speech and enforcing those laws with police, security, and intelligence forces. Law enforcement and intelligence services of democracies, as well as dictatorships, are pushing their powers of surveillance to the limit. Many governments are also finding new and creative ways to control through their legal and technical powers what people can and especially cannot do on the Internet and with mobile devices.

The Ethiopian government is a case in point. It has revised the law so that practically anybody who uses the Internet to build a movement around a common ideal, or conduct independent journalism, can potentially be charged with terrorism. Internet access is available only through the state-controlled monopoly, Ethio Telecom, which keeps prices artificially high and beyond the reach of most. Those who can access the Internet do so through heavily monitored cybercafés. They must navigate censorship of overseas dissident websites, and face pervasive surveillance thanks to technologies purchased not only from Chinese companies but from European firms like Gamma, a German company that sells remote monitoring systems, and Hacking Team, an Italian firm specializing in spyware.

Anything the Zone9 bloggers ever did online can potentially be used against them without constraint.
The attack by governments on Internet freedom is by no means limited to authoritarian dictatorships. This year, alongside the usual suspects like North Korea, Cuba, and China, Reporters Without Borders listed the Indian government’s Centre for Development of Telematics as one of the 20 biggest “enemies of the Internet,” thanks to its role in developing a clandestine mass electronic surveillance and data mining program for deployment on nationwide networks.
The United Kingdom also made the list, winning the title “world champion of surveillance,” due largely to the work of the Government Communications Headquarters (GCHQ), which has developed the world’s largest data collection and communications-monitoring system. Last month the British authorities invoked emergency powers to pass a new law allowing the government to issue warrants to companies for data stored outside UK jurisdiction—effectively legalizing its already sweeping technical power to spy on much of the world. As former NSA contractor Edward Snowden put it, “they are worse than the U.S.”

The problem has been compounded by Internet and telecommunications companies pursuing short-term business interests 
without considering 
the impact of their 
behavior on Internet 
users’ rights. We have 
all unfortunately allowed companies to 
track, collect, and
 sell vast amounts of
 personal information
 without even realizing what was happening. As American
 security guru Bruce
 Schneier likes to say: “Surveillance is the 
business model of the Internet.”

How convenient for the NSA, which, until Snowden blew the whistle, had relatively easy access to the communications and stored data of U.S. Internet companies. Now many of these companies have recognized that this situation is not actually sustainable for their business in the long run. Without basic levels of trust from individuals and businesses that rely on the Internet, its platforms, and networks, the economic value of the Internet (along with its political and social value) will diminish over time. That is precisely why major companies like Google, Microsoft, and Facebook are now calling publicly for legal limitations on the NSA’s powers, as well as increased government transparency on matters of surveillance.

Cybersovereigns

These sovereigns of cyberspace—an apt term because of the rules and parameters they set on their services, on which we have come increasingly to depend—have become a form of transnational private governance. The Internet is replete with corporate and government gatekeepers. It’s patrolled by a variety of virtual police seeking to enforce government laws and company terms of service. These gatekeepers and police must be held publicly accountable in a way that can constrain them from abusing their power.

It is up to all of us, as citizens of nations and as denizens of a globally interconnected Internet, to keep pushing for accountability in how our digital lives are shaped and governed by all who wield power over us. If digital connectivity is to fulfill its clear potential, nations’ legal frameworks governing Internet companies, as well as users, must embrace the protection and exercise of basic human rights. The technical standards and business practices of companies must be compatible with the kind of open, democratic world we seek to create.

We are far from reaching that goal, but some important steps are being taken in the right direction. Legal reform efforts to curb government surveillance powers in the United States are making headway. Initiatives are being built to hold tech companies to basic human rights standards, including freedom of expression and privacy. Global Voices is working with a worldwide community of people ready to fight for their online freedoms, working with other trans-national groups advocating an open Internet.

As we think globally, those of living in democratic countries must not forget that Internet freedom starts at home. If we cannot figure out how to constrain government and corporate power over digital networks people depend on, we should prepare to join our Ethiopian friends in Zone9.

Read more

Ethiopians in Norway demonstrated against Ethiopia’s Foreign Minister

Ethiopians in Norway demonstrated against Ethiopia’s Foreign Minister Dr. Tedros Adhanom today(16.10.2014).
He was expected to participate in ‘Invest in Ethiopia’ seminar. The seminar was organized by the Norwegian-African Business Association (NABA).


ጥቅምት ፮(ስድስት) ቀን ፳፻፯ ዓ/ም ኢሳት ዜና :-የኖርዌይ ባለሀብቶች በኢትዮጵያ ኢንቨስት እንዲያደርጉ በተጠራ ጉባኤ ላይ የተገኙትን የውጭ ጉዳይ ሚ/ር ቴዎድሮስ አድሃኖም በመቃወም የተጠራው ሰልፍ የአገሪቱን ዋነኛ የቴሌቪዥን ጣቢያ ኢነርኬን ሽፋን አግኝቷል።

ዲሞክራሲያዊ ለውጥ በኢትዮጵያ የድጋፍ ድርጅት በተጠራው ተቃውሞ፣ ኢትዮጵያውያን የታሰሩ የፖለቲካ እስረኞች እንዲፈቱ፣ ኖርዌይ የሰብአዊ መብት ጥሰት ከሚፈጽመው መንግስት ጋር የምታደርገውን ግንኙነት እንድታቆም ጠይቀዋል።በኢትዮጵያ ለሚታየው የሰብአዊ መብት ጥሰት ኖርዌይ ተጠያቂ መሆኗንም ገልጸዋል። የውጭ ጉዳይ ሚኒስትሩ ደ/ር ቴዎድሮስ ወደ ሆቴላቸው ሲያመሩ መኪናቸው በእንቁላል መደብደቡ የአገሪቱን የሚዲያ ትኩረት ስቧል።

Read more

Ethiopian Editor Convicted for Inciting Public With Articles

By William Davison

 

An Ethiopian editor is facing as many as 10 years in prison after being convicted of inciting the public against the government through his newspaper articles, his lawyer said.
Temesgen Desalegn, the former editor of Feteh, a defunct weekly newspaper, was convicted yesterday by the Federal High Court on charges that also included defaming the government and distorting public opinion, after a case that lasted about two years, lawyer Ameha Mekonnen said. He will be sentenced on Oct. 27.

Temesegen Desalegn

“Temesgen becomes the first journalist who’s accused and found guilty only for what he’s written in a newspaper,” Ameha said by phone today from Ethiopia’s capital, Addis Ababa. “The evidence was only his writing, nothing else.”
Communications Minister Redwan Hussien said that the conviction was for articles Temesgen wrote for Feteh about two years ago. The case concerned “incitement and misinforming the public,” he said by phone.
Ethiopia is Africa’s second-biggest jailer of journalists after neighboring Eritrea as of Dec. 2013, according to the New York-based Committee to Protect Journalists. Government officials say journalists are not above the law and aren’t prosecuted because of their profession.
Last week, an Ethiopian court sentenced three magazine-owners in absentia to more than three years imprisonment each on charges of instigating the public to overthrow the government and fomenting ethnic tension. Temesgen was involved with one of their publications, Fact, Ameha said. The trial of six bloggers and three journalists accused of links with outlawed groups resumes tomorrow in Addis Ababa.
Temesgen was prosecuted under Article 257 of the country’s 2004 Criminal Code, Ameha said. The provision relates to the “provocation and preparation” of a range of crimes against the state, according to the law. An Ethiopian court banned Feteh’s distribution in July 2012 after it published front-page stories on the illness of late Prime Minister Meles Zenawi and protests by Muslims in Addis Ababa.
To contact the reporter on this story: William Davison in Addis Ababa at wdavison3@bloomberg.net

Read more

የህግ የበላይነት፣ የፓለቲካ ምህዳር እና ሰብአዊ መብት - የጸረ ሽብር ህጉ ሲገመገም

“ጋዜጠኝነትን እና የፖለቲካ ድርጅትን ሽፋን በማድረግ የሀገሪቱንና የሕዝቦቿን ሰላም ለማደፍረስ ከሚያስቡና ከሚፈልጉ ‘ሀይላት’ ጋር ግንኙነት በማድረግ የተለያዩ  የሽብር ተግባራትን ለመፈጸም ሲንቀሳቀሱ በቁጥጥር ስር አውለናቸዋል።“ 

ይህ መግለጫ (መልስ) የኢትዮጵያ የፀረ-ሽብርተኝነት አዋጅ 652/2001 ከወጣበት ከነሀሴ 2001 ዓ.ም. ጀምሮ ጋዜጠኞችና በሰላማዊ መንገድ ተመዝግበው የፖለቲካ ምህዳሩን የተቀላቀሉ የፖለቲካ ፓርቲዎች አባላት በኢህአዴግ መራሹ የኢትዮጵያ መንግስት ከታሰሩ በኋላ በመንግስት አካላት የሚሰጥ የተለመደ አባባል ነው። የፀረ-ሽብርተኝነት አዋጁ ከወጣበት ጊዜ ጀምሮ እስከ መስከረም 2007 ዓ.ም ባሉት አምስት ዓመታት ውስጥም ከጋዜጠኛ እስከ ፖለቲከኛ (political personalities)፣ ከሀይማኖት መሪዎች እስከ ጦማሪያን፣ ከታጣቂ ወታደሮች እስከ የኮንትሮባንድ ነጋዴዎች... በዚሁ አዋጅ አማካኝነት ‘ሽብርተኝነታቸው ተረጋግጦላቸዋል’ ወይም ‘ይረጋገጥባቸው ዘንድ ፍርዳቸውን እየጠበቁ ይገኛሉ።’ ለመሆኑ ይህ ከ14 ዓመት ህፃን[1]  እስከ 80 ዓመት አዛውንት[2]  በሽብርተኝነት ወንጀል ክስ የሚያስቀጣው፣ ይህ ከጉምቱ ምሁራን እስከ ገበሬዎች ድረስ የሚያስረው... ሕግ በተጨባጭ ስፋትና ጥበቱ ምን ያህል ይሆን? ለታሪካዊ ጥያቄዎች ያለው ምልከታስ?  በሀገሪቱ ስላለው የዲሞክራሲ ሁኔታስ (The state of Democracy) ምን ይነግረናል? ስለ ጨቅላው የኢትዮጵያ ፌደራሊዝምስ ከፀረ-ሽብርተኝነት ሕጉ ተግባራዊነት አንፃር ምን ይታየናል? ወ.ዘ.ተ. የሚሉትን ጥያቄዎች መሰረት በማድረግ በመሬት ላይ ያሉ የሕጉ እውነታዎችን በመመርመር (Fact investigation) ምልከታዎቹን (Implications) በዚህ ፅሁፍ ለማየት ሞክረናል።

የፀረ-ሽብርተኝነት ሕጉ

ዓለማቀፉ የፀረ-ሽብር ውጊያ (The Global War on Terror) በቀድሞው የአሜሪካ ፕሬዝዳንት ቡሽ <We will not tire, we will not falter> ንግግር ከታወጀ ጀምሮ በተለያዩ በተለያዩ የዓለም ክፍሎች የሚገኙ ሀገሮች በሽብርተኝነት ዙሪያ ያላቸውን የሕግ ማዕቀፍ ለማሻሻል ጥረት ማድረግ ጀመሩ። ኢትዮጵያም የዓለማቀፉ የፀረ-ሽብር እንቅስቃሴ አካል መሆን አለብኝ በማለት እንዲሁም ሽብርተኝነት በኢትዮጵያ ላይ ግልፅ እና ድርስ አደጋ (clear and present danger) ደቅኗል በሚል መነሻ የፀረ-ሽብር ሕግ አርቅቃ ለፓርላማ አቀረበች።

ረቂቁ በቀረበበት ወቅት የተለያዩ  አካላት (የፓርላማ አባላት፣ የሰብአዊ መብት ተቋማት፣ ጋዜጠኞችና የጋዜጠኛ ማኅበራት ወ.ዘ.ተ.) ረቂቅ ሕጉ ሰፊ የሽብርተኝነት ድርጊት ትርጉም ይዟል፣ ‘ማወቅ ሲገባው’፣ ‘አድርገው ይረዱታል ተብሎ ሊገመት የሚችል መልዕክት’ የመሳሰሉት የሚሉ ለትርጉም ክፍት የሆኑ የወንጀል አይነቶችን አካቷል፣ ለፖሊስና ለደህንነት አካላት እጅግ የተለጠጠ ስልጣን ይሰጣል፣ እንደ የዋስትና መብት ያሉ የዜጎችን ሕገ-መንግስታዊ መብቶች ይነፍጋል፣ የሥነ ስርዓት እና የማስረጃ ሕጎችን በማቅለል ወንጀለኝነትን የማስረዳት ሸክምን ከዓቃቤ ሕግ ወደ ተጠርጣሪ ግለሰቦች ያሸጋግራል (shifting burden of proof) ወ.ዘ.ተ. የሚሉ ትችቶችን ቢያቀርቡም፤ ‘እነዚህን የሕጉን ክፍተቶች የተለያዩ  የመንግስት አካላት ላልተገባ ጉዳይ ሊያውሏቸው ይችላሉ’፣ ‘ተቃውሞን እና የመናገር ነፃነትን ወደ ወንጀልነት ያሸጋግራል’ የሚሉ ስጋቶችን በጊዜው ቢያነሱም ሕጉ በፓርላማ ከመፅደቅ ያገደው ነገር አልነበረም።

በሕጉ ዙሪያ የሚቀርቡ ብዙና የተለያዩ  ትችቶች ቢኖሩም ከላይ ለመግለፅ እንደተሞከረው የዚህ ፅሁፍ ዓላማ የፀረ-ሽብርተኝነት ሕጉ በተጨባጭ የትኞቹን የሕብረተሰብ ክፍሎች እያጠቃ ነው? ስለ አጠቃላይ የሀገሪቱ ሁኔታስ ምን ያመለክተናል? የሚሉትን ጉዳዮችን መዳሰስን ዓላማ ያደረገ ነው።

(ማስታወሻ: - በዚህ ፅሁፍ ውስጥ የሚጠቀሱ ተከሳሾች በአሁኑ ወቅት በጊዜያዊ ቀጠሮ ወይም ክስ ተመስርቶባቸው በመደበኛ ቀጠሮ ላይ ያሉ ናቸው።)

የፀረ-ሽብርተኝነት ሕጉ አተገባበር

የፀረ- ሽብርተኝነት ሕጉ ከመውጣቱ በፊት እንዲሁም ከወጣ በኋላ የሚቀርቡበትን ትችቶች የመንግስት አካላት ምላሽ ሲሰጡበት: -

“ሕጉን ቃል በቃል የገለበጥነው ከAmerican Patriotic Act እንዲሁም ከእንግሊዙ የTerrorism Act ነው። እኛ ጋር ሲመጣ ለምን ትችት እንደሚቀርብበት ሊገባን አልቻለም።” የሚል ነው።  መንግስት እውን ቃል በቃል ገልብጦታልን? የሚለውን ጥያቄ ለመረዳት እንችል ዘንድ የአንዲት እንግሊዛዊት እና የአንድ አሜሪካዊ ታሪክን በማቅረብና በማነፃፀር ትግበራው ላይ ፍተሻ እናድርግ።

እንግሊዛዊቱ Kate Kaplan በዩኒቨርሲቲ ቆይታዋ Mathematicsን በMajorነት Computer Scienceን ደግሞ Minor በማድረግ ትምህርቷን የጨረሰች ስትሆን፤ በተለያዩ  መስሪያ ቤቶችም ከምረቃዋ በኋላ በስራ ዓለም ያሳለፈች ናት። በስራ ዓለምም በData Expertነት Specialize አድርጋለች። ከስራዋ ጎን ለጎን ደግሞ የተለያዩ የማኅበራዊ ሚዲያዎችን በመጠቀም እንደርሷ ሁሉ ለሀገራቸው መሻሻል የሚተጉ ጓደኞችን ለማፍራት የቻለች ሲሆን፤ ከእነዚህ ወዳጆቿ ጋር በመሆንም በተለያዩ  ጉዳዮች ዙሪያ የምትጦምር ነች። ንባቧን እና ግንዛቤዋን ለማዳበር ይረዳት ዘንድም በተለያዩ  ርዕሶች ዙሪያ የተፃፉ ፅሁፎችን ከድረ-ገፆች ላይ በመገልበጥ ታነባለች። በIreland Republic ዙሪያ ጥያቄ ያለውን IRA የተባለ ፓርቲ ፕሮግራምም ለማንበብ Laptop ላይ ገልብጣ አስቀምጣለች። በዚህ ሁኔታ ላይ እያለች የእንግሊዝ የፀጥታ አካላት እርሷንና የማኅበራዊ ሚዲያ ጓደኞቿን ሰብስቦ  ያሰራቸው ሲሆን ‘የሽብርተኝነት ተግባራትን ሊፈፅሙ ሲሉ ያዝኳቸው’ በማለት ክስ መስርቶባቸዋል። የክሱ ማስረጃ ሁነው ከቀረቡ ሰነዶችም አንዱ Kate ግንዛቤ ለማግኘት በማሰብ ከድረ-ገፅ የገለበጠችው እና ማንም ሰው በድረ-ገፁ አድራሻ ገብቶ ሊያነበው የሚችለው የIRA የፖለቲካ ፕሮግራም ነው። Kateና ጓደኞቿም ፍርዳቸውን እየተጠባበቁ ይገኛሉ። የእንግሊዝ Terrorism Act ደግሞ የተወነጀሉበት አዋጅ ነው።

በተመሳሳይ ሁኔታ Andrew Martin በአሜሪካው New York University የእንግሊዘኛ ቋንቋ መምህር ሲሆን ከስራው ጎን ለጎን ደግሞ የDemocratic Party የአመራር ክበብ ውስጥ ተሳትፎ አለው። ከፖለቲቻ ስራው ጋር በተያያዘም የተለያዩ  ሰነዶችን የሚያገላብጥ ሲሆን ከእነዚህ ሰነዶች አንዱ ደግሞ ስለ አሜሪካው Black Panters Party የሚገልፅ ሰነድ ነው። በስልጣን ላይ የነበረው የRepublican Party Andrewን ከሽብርተኛ ድርጅት ከሆነው Black Panters Party ጋር ግንኙነት አለው በማለት አሳስሮ የአምስት ዓመት ፍርድ ፈርዶበት በአሁን ሰዓት እስሩን እየገፋ ይገኛል። የRepublican መንግስት በአቶ Andrew ላይ ፍርድ የበየነበት የAmerican Patriotic Act አንቀፆችን በመጠቀም ነው።

እነዚህን ሁለት ጉዳዮች የጠቀስነው የኢትዮጵያ መንግስት የፀረ-ሽብርተኝነት ህጉን ቃል በቃል ገለበጥኩባቸው የሚላቸው ሀገሮች አሜሪካና እንግሊዝ የሽብርተኝነት ክሶች እስከምን ድረስ ይደርሳሉ? የሚለውን ጉዳይ ለማየት ሳይሆን ሕጉ ቃል በቃል ተገለበጠ በተባለባቸው ሀገሮች የኢትዮጵያ መንግስት በአሁኑ ሰዓት የፀረ-ሽብርተኝነት ሕጉን እየተጠቀመበት ባለው አግባብ ቢጠቀሙ ምን ሊፈጠር እንደሚችል  ለማሳየት ሲባል፣ በአሁኑ ወቅት በሽብርተኝነት ወንጀል ተከሳ በቃሊቲ የምትገኘውን ጦማሪ ማህሌት ፋንታሁንን በKate Kaplan፣ እንዲሁም በፀረ-ሽብርተኝነት አዋጁ ተከሶ አምስት ዓመት ተፈርዶበት እስሩን እየገፋ የሚገኘው መምህር በቀለ ገርባን በAndrew Martin በመተካት ማህሌት እና በቀለ ላይ እየሆነ ያለው ነገር የኢትዮጵያ መንግስት ‘ምዕራባውያንም ተመሳሳይ የህግ ማዕቀፍ ነው ያላቸው’ በማለት እያቀረበው ያለውን ማስተባበያ ምን ያህል በአተገባበሩ የተሳሳተ እንደሆነ በቀላሉ ያሳያል።

 ጦማርያን እና ሰላማዊ ፖለቲከኞችን በመፃፋቸው እና ለሀገራቸው መልካም ነገርን በማሰብ ፖለቲካ ውስጥ የገቡ ግለሰቦችን የሚያስር - የሚከሰው የፀረ-ሽብርተኝነት ሕግ በኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ ብቻ እንጂ በሌላ ዓለም ማግኘት ከባድ ነው። Kateና Andrew ‘ሽብርተኛ’ የሚባሉት በኢትዮጵያ እንጂ በአሜሪካ ወይም በእንግሊዝ ተመሳሳይ ሁኔታ ሊፈጠር አይችልም፡፡ ታዲያ ቃል በቃል ከምዕራቡ ዓለም የፀረ-ሽብርተኝነት ሕጎች ‘የተገለበጠው’ የኢትዮጵያ የፀረ-ሽብርተኝነት ሕግ እንዴት ቢሰራ ነው ሁሉንም የሕይወት መስመሮች ‘በሽብርተኝነት’ ሊፈርጅ የቻለው?

“የሽብርተኛ ፍለጋና ምርመራው ሂደት “

የፀረ-ሽብርተኝነት ሕጉ በተግባር እንዴት ነው እየሰራ ያለው? የሚለውን ጥያቄ መመለሳችን ከላይ የጠየቅነውን ቀዳሚ ጥያቄ ይመልስልናል። እንዲህ በአጭር ምሳሌ እንመልከት:-

‘ሀሰን፣ ሀያት እና ከድር በፖሊስ (በደህንነት ኃይል) ከሽብርተኝነት ጋር የተገናኘ ወንጀል ሊፈፅሙ ሲሉ ተያዙ’ ተብለው ታሰሩ። አሰራሩ እንዲህ ይቀጥላል:-

1. በብሔራዊ የመረጃና የደህንነት ኃይል በቁጥጥር ስር ይውላሉ። በተለያዩ  የደህንነት ‘እስር ቤቶች’ ላልተወሰነ ጊዜ (ከ6 ወር በላይ በደህንነት ቢሮ የቆዩ ሰዎች አሉ) ከከፍተኛ ድብደባ እና ስቃይ ጋር ይቆያሉ። በአብዛኛው ፍርድ ቤትም ሆነ ቤተሰብ ያሉበትን ሁኔታ አያውቅም።
2. በደህንነት ‘እስር ቤቶች’ የነበራቸውን የፈተና (ordeal) ጊዜ ከጨረሱ በኋላ ለፌደራል ፖሊስ ተላልፈው ይሰጣሉ። የፌደራል ፖሊስ የወንጀል ምርመራ ዘርፍ (ማዕከላዊ) ‘ማረፊያ ቤት’ በማረፍም ‘የምርመራ’ ጊዜያቸውን ይጀምራሉ። የወንጀል ምርመራ ዘርፍ ባለው ‘የፀረ-ሽብር ዲቪዚዮን’ አማካኝነት ባሉት ከ20 በላይ መርማሪዎችም ‘ምርመራው’ ይጀመራል። በዚህ የምርመራ ወቅትም እጅግ ኢሰብአዊ የሆኑ ድርጊቶች ይፈፀምባቸዋል። የተጠረጠሩበትን ‘የሽብርተኝነት ድርጊት’ እስኪያምኑ ድረስም መከራና ስቃያቸው ይቀጥላል። በዚህ ሁኔታ እስከ አራት ወራት ለሚቆይ ጊዜ ይቆያሉ (እስከ ስምንት ወራት በማዕከላዊ የቆዩ ሰዎች አሉ)።
3. በአብዛኛው ‘የሽብርተኝነት ወንጀል ፋይሎች’ ላይ እንደሚታየው በነሀሰን፣ ሀያት እና ከድር ጉዳይ ላይም ፖሊሲ በቂ ማስረጃ ስለማይኖረው ‘ማስረጃ’ እዛው በወንጀል ምርመራ  ዘርፍ መርማሪዎች ይዘጋጃል። እንዴት?

ሀ. ድብደባና ስቃዩን በማጠናከር ከሶስቱ ተከሳሾች አንዱን (ለምሳሌ ከድርን) በጓደኞቹ በሀሰን እና በሀያት ላይ ምስክር እንዲሆን (Accomplice witness) በማስገደድ ፖሊስ የሰው ማስረጃ ይፈጥራል። ከድርም ከክሱ ይወጣል።

ለ. ፖሊስ የፈለገውን ቃል በመፃፉ ሀስን እና ሀያት እንዲፈርሙ ያስገድዳቸዋል። ቃላቸውንም ‘በወንጀለኛ መቅጫ ሥነ ስርዓት ሕግ አንቀፅ 27(2) መሰረት በነፃ የተሰጠ’ ይለያል።

ሐ. ምናልባትም ሀሰን እና ሀያት ‘ቃላችንን በድብደባ ያለፈቃዳችን ነው የሰጠነው’ በማለት በፍርድ ቤት በክሱ ሒደት ወቅት እንዳያስተባብሉት ፖሊስ ስጋት ካደረበት እዛው በወንጀል ምርመራ  ዘርፍ ማረፊያ ቤት (ማዕከላዊ) እያሉ ወደ ፍርድ ቤት በመውሰድ በወንጀለኛ መቅጫ ሥነ ስርዓት ሕጉ አንቀፅ 35 መሰረት ‘አሸባሪነታቸውን’ አምነው ቃላቸውን እንዲሰጡ ያስደርጋል። በፍርድ ቤት የካዱ እንደሆነ ወደ ማረፊያ ቤት ሲመለሱ ሌሊቱን ሙሉ ከባድ ስቃይ ይጠብቃቸዋል።

መ. ካስፈለገም ‘የሀሰት ምስክሮችን ያሰለጥናል’፣ የወንጀል የሀሰት ሰነዶችን ያዘጋጃል። ወ.ዘ.ተ.

1. ፖሊስ ‘ምርመራውን’ በዚህ መንገድ ካጠናቀቀ በኋላ ምርመራውን ለፍትህ ሚኒስትር ይልካል። የፍትህ ሚኒስትርም አስፈላጊውን ‘ፖለቲካዊ ግምገማ’ ከሚመለከታቸው አካላት ጋር ካደረገ በኋላ አራት አቃብያን ሕጎችን (አቶ ብርሃኑ ወንድማገኝ፣ አቶ ቴዎድሮስ ጌታቸው፣ አቶ ዘውዱ በቀለንና አቶ ሰውበሰው አድማሱን) ላቀፈው የፀረ-ሽብርተኝነት case team ያስተላልፋል። አቃብያነ ሕጎቹም የፀረ-ሽብርተኝነት ሕጉ ላይ ከተደነገጉት አስር (10) ወንጀሎች በአንዱ ወይም ከዛ በላይ ክስ ያቀርባሉ።
2. በመጨረሻም የሀሰንና የሀያት ጉዳይ ወደ ፍርድ ቤት ይቀርባል። አቃቤ ሕግ ከድርን የሰው ማስረጃ አድርጎ  ያቀርባል። የሀሰንና የሀያትን ለፖሊስ ወይም ለስር ፍርድቤት ተገደው የሰጡትን የተከሳሽነት ቃል በሰነድ ማስረጃነት ያቀርባል። የፌደራል ከፍተኛ ፍርድ ቤት 4ኛ እና 19ኛ ወንጀል ችሎቶች ካሏቸው ዳኞች[4] ሶስቱ በጉዳዩ  ላይ ይሰየሙና ፍርድ ይሰጣሉ። ከድር ምስክር በመሆን ነፃ ይወጣል። ሀሰንና ሀያት ደግሞ ‘አሸባሪነታቸው’ ተረጋግጦባቸው ይፈረድባቸዋል። (በነገራችን ላይ አሁን ባለው አሰራር የፍርድ ሂደቱ ከሁለት ዓመት በላይ ጊዜ ሊወስድ ይችላል)

ይህ ‘የሁሉም’ ለማለት በሚያስደፍር መልኩ በፀረ-ሽብርተኝነት ሕግ መሰረት የተከሰሱ ሰዎች ጉዳይ አካሄድ ነው። በዚህም መንገድ ዜጎች ከማኅበራዊ፣ ኢኮኖሚያዊና ፖለቲካዊ ጉዳዮች ላይ ገለል እንዲሉ ይደረጋሉ። ምክንያቱም እነሱ ‘ኢትዮጵያዊ አሸባሪዎች’ ናቸውና። የእነዚህን ኢትዮጵያውያን አሸባሪዎች ማንነት ማወቃችን የሽብርተኝነት ትግሉን ምንነት እና የሀገሪቱን ጉዞ በጉልህ ያሳየናልና እስኪ ፍተሻ እናድርግ።

‘መክሸፍ እንደ ኢትዮጵያ ፌደራሊዝም’

 “ደርግ በወደቀበት ሰዓት በሀገሪቱ አስራ ሰባት (17) የሚሆኑ የታጠቁ ሀይላት ነበሩ። ይህም ዜጎች በደርግ ስርዓት የተከፉ ምን ያህል ወገኖች እንደነበሩ አመላካች ነው።” በማለት ኢህአዴግ ስልጣኑን ከደርግ በተረከበበት ወቅት የነበረውን ሁኔታ በተደጋጋሚ ያስረዳል።

ኢህአዴግ አያይዞም የተለያዩ  ቡድኖችን መከፋትና ብሶት ለመቀነስና እስከ መጨረሻውም ለማስወገድ የፌደራል ስርዓት እንዲዘረጋ፤ ይህ የፌደራል ስርዓትም ‘ሀገሪቱን እንደ ዩጎዝላቪያ ከመሆን የታደጋት ፍቱን መድኃኒት’ እንደሆነ ይገልፃል።

ደርግም ከወደቀ ሩብ ምዕተ ዓመት እየሆነው ነው፤ የኢትዮጵያም የፌደራል ስርዓት ሀያኛ ዓመቱን ይዟል። እውን ከላይ የተጠቀሱት እውነታዎች ምን ያህል መሻሻል አሳይተዋል? የፌደራል ስርአቱስ ከቃላት ባለፈ ምን ያህል እውነተኛ ለውጥ አምጥቷል?  የፀረ-ሽብርተኝነት ሕጉን እና ሕጉ ተግባራዊ የሆነባቸውን ቡድኖች ማንነት ማየቱ ለጥያቄዎቻችን መልስ ለመስጠት  ይሆናልና እስኪ እንመልከት።

በአሁኑ ወቅት ገዥውን ስርዓት ለመገዳደር በማሰብ ‘ፋኖነትን’ የመረጡ ቡድኖች የደርግ ጨካኝና አምባገነን ስርዓት ሲወድቅ ከነበሩት የታጠቁ ሀይሎች ቢበልጡ እንጂ አያንሱም። የአሁኖቹን ታጣቂዎች ከደርግ ወቅቶቹ የሚለያቸው፣ የአሁኖቹ ‘በአሸባሪነት’ የተፈረጁ መሆናቸውን ነው።

ይህ ፅሁፍ በተፃፈበት ወቅት ክስ ተመስርቶባቸው በቀጠሮ ላይ የሚገኙ አስር የተለያዩ  የክስ መዝገቦችን ብናይ መልሳችን ግልፅ ይሆንልናል።

“የጋምቤላ ክልል አሁን ባለው የፌደራል ስርዓት ምንም ዓይነት ጥቅም እያገኘ አይደለም። ለዚህም መፍትሄው ስርዓቱን በኃይል ማስወገድ ነው።” በሚል መነሻ አምስት (5) የተለያዩ  ቡድኖች መሳሪያ አንስተዋል። ከነዚህም አምስት (5) ፓርቲዎች መካከልም በአቶ ሙድ ጎይባሬ የሚመራው የጋምቤላ ህዝቦች ነፃነት ንቅናቄ (ጋህነን) ጋር በተገናኘ 11 ሰዎች ማለትም

1. ኡቺሚ አፐይ ኡቻላ
2. ኡማን ኡድሉቻም
3. ኡቻን ኡድላ ኦፒዮ
4. ኡመድ ኡጁሉ ኡማን
5. ኝበዲ ኡባንግ ኡጃቶ 
6. ኦፒዮ ቹር ኡባንግ
7. ኡመድ ኡቶ ኡማን
8. ኡፐዶካ ኡቱን ኝግየው
9. ታደሰ ኡዱጊ ቲፋ
10. ኡማን ኡካይ ኡኩችና
11. ኦኬሎ ኡበር ኡቻን

በፌ/ዓ/ህ/መ/ቁ 322/06 በቀን 18/07/06 በፀረ-ሽብርተኝነት አዋጁ አንቀፅ 3 (1, 2 እና 3) መሰረት ክስ ተመስርቶባቸዋል፤ ጋህነንም የሽብርተኛ ድርጅት እንደሆነ በክሱ ተመልክቷል። ከጋምቤላ ሳንወጣ አሁን በቅርቡ ደግሞ በቀድሞው የጋምቤላ ክልል ፕሬዝዳንት በአቶ ኦኬሎ አኳይ ኡቻላ እንደሚመራ በክሱ ከተመለከተው የጋምቤላ ዴሞክራሲያዊ ንቅናቄ (ጋዴን) አባላት ናችሁ ተብለው የተከሰሱ ሰባት ግለሰቦችን እናገኛለን። እነርሱም

1. ኦኬሎ አኳይ ኡቻላ
2. ዴቪድ ኡጅሉ ኡባንግ
3. ኡቻን ኦፒዮ ኡሞድ
4. ኡማን ኝክየው ኡድሉ
5. ኡጅሉ ቻሞ ኡኮይ
6. ኦታካ ኡዋር ኡጋላና
7. ኡባንግ ኡመድ አቦላ ናቸው።

በቀን 04/10/2006 ዓ.ም. በፌ/አ/ህ/መ/ቁ 508/06 በቀረበባቸው በዚህ ክስ ጋዴን የሽብርተኛ ድርጅት እንደሆነ የተገለፀ ሲሆን ክሱም በፀረ-ሽብርተኝነት ሕጉ አንቀፅ 4 ላይ የተዘረዘሩትን ተግባራት በመተላለፍ እንደሆነ ተገልጿል።

እስኪ ወደ ሌላ ክልል እንለፍ። በኮለኔል አለበል አማረ እንደሚመራ የሚነገርለትን የአማራ ዴሞክራሲያዊ ሀይሎች ህብረትን (አዴሀህ) እናገኛለን። የፌደራል አቃቢ ሕግ በመዝገብ ቁጥር 071/06 በቀን 28/12/05 ባቀረበው ክስ ‘ግንቦት ሰባት ከተባለ አሸባሪ ድርጅት ጋር ግንኙነት ፈጥሮ እየተንቀሳቀሰ የሚገኘው ኦዴሀህ የተባለ ‘ሽብርተኛ ድርጅት’ ጋር አባል በመሆን ሲንቀሳቀሱ ያዝኳቸው’ ያላቸውን 10 ሰዎች በፀረ-ሽብርተኝነት ሕጉ አንቀፅ 7(1) መሰረት ከሶ እናገኛለን። ግለሰቦቹም

1. ማስረሻ ታፈረ ወ/ገብርኤል
2. ሻለቃ አለምነው አየለ ነጋሽ
3. ብርቁ አዲሱ ውቡ
4. ታደሰ መንግስቱ በላይ
5. የፀዳው ካሴ አሉላ
6. አወቀ ደስታው ምህረቴ
7. መሀመድ ግዛቸው ፋንታው
8. ቴዎድሮስ ሀይሌ
9. ታደሰ በለጠ
10. ታደሰ ባዩ  ገበየሁ ናቸው።

ወደ ኦሮሚያ ክልል ተጉዘናል። ባለፉት 20 ዓመታት የኦሮሞ ነፃነት ግንባር (ኦነግ) አባላት ናችሁ በሚል እጅግ በጣም ብዙ ኦሮሞዎች ታስረዋል፣ ተሰደዋል ወይም ተገድለዋል። ይህ ሁኔታ አሁንም በሰፊው ቀጥሏል። የአሁኑን ለየት የሚያደርገው ክሱ ‘ራሱን ኦነግ ብሎ ከሚጠራው ‘ፀረ-ሰላም’ ሀይል ውስጥ አባል በመሆን...’ ከሚለው የተለመደ የክስ ቃል  በተለየ መንገድ ‘ራሱን ኦነግ ብሎ ከሚጠራው ‘አሸባሪ’ ድርጅት ውስጥ አባል በመሆን...’ ወደሚል መቀየሩ ብቻ ነው። ምስጋና ለፀረ-ሽብርተኝነት ሕጉ ይሁንና። ለዚህም ጥሩ ማሳያ ይሆኑን ዘንድ ሁለት የአቃቢ ሕግ መዝገቦችን እንጠቅሳለን።

በ22/07/2006 ዓ.ም. በፌ/ዓ/ሕግ/መ/ቁ 376/06 በመሰረተው ክስ

1. ደልዴሳ ዋቆ ጃርሶ
2. ገልገሎ ጉዮ ቦሩ
3. ዋርዮ ጣጤሳ ጉዮ

የተባሉ ግለሰቦች የኦነግ አባል በመሆን ‘የሽብርተኝነት ድርጊቶችን’ ሲፈፅሙ ይዣቸዋለሁ’ በማለት የፀረ-ሽብርተኝነት ሕጉን አንቀፅ 3(1 እና 2) እንዲሁም አንቀፅ 7(1) በመጥቀስ ክስ መስርቷል። በተመሳሳይ ሁኔታ የፌደራል ዓቃቢ ሕግ በቀን 11/2006 ባቀረበው ‘የሽብር ወንጀል’ ክስ የድሬዳዋ ዩኒቨርስቲ ተማሪዎች የነበሩት

1. አብዲ ከማል የሱፍና
2. ቶፊቅ ረሽድ ዩያ

‘የአሸባሪው’ ድርጅት የኦነግ አባላት በመሆን የሽብር ተግባራትን ልትፈፅሙ ስትሉ ተይዛችኋል’ ተብለው የፀረ-ሽብርተኝነት ሕጉ አንቀፅ 7(1) ተጠቅሶባቸው ክሳቸውን በማረፊያ ቤት ሆነው እየተከታተሉ ይገኛሉ። በ2006 ዓ.ም. በኦሮሚያ ክልል በነበረው አለመረጋጋት ምክንያት ከተለያዩ  የክልሉ ዩኒቨርስቲዎች (ከሀሮማያ፣ ከጅማ፣ ከወለጋ... ዩኒቨርስቲዎች) የተያዙ ተማሪዎች እንዲሁም ከተለያዩ  የክልሉ አካባቢዎች (ከወለጋ፣ ከሞያሌ ወ.ዘ.ተ.)ተይዘው የታሰሩ ዜጎች በኦነግነት ተጠርጥረው በፌደራል የወንጀል ምርመራ ዘርፍ (ማዕከላዊ) የሚገኙ ሲሆን ይህ ፅሁፍ እስከተፃፈበት ቀን ድረስም ክስ ሳይመሰረትባቸው ከአራት ወራት ለሚበልጥ ጊዜ በወንጀል ምርመራ ዘርፍ ‘ማረፊያ ቤት’ ውስጥ ይገኛሉ።

በድጋሚ ወደ ሀገሪቱ የምዕራብ ጫፍ እንጓዝ፤ ‘አሸባሪው’ ቤሕነንን እናገኛለን - የቤንሻንጉል ሕዝቦች ነፃነት ንቅናቄ። በአቶ አብዱል ወሀብ መሀዲ  የሚመራው ቤሕነን “የክልሉ ነዋሪዎች ኢህአዴግ ከዘረጋው ስርዓት ተጠቃሚ ሊሆኑ አልቻሉም። መፍትሔውም ስርዓትቱን በሀይል ማስወገድ ነው።” በሚል መነሻ ነፍጥ ያነገበ ፓርቲ ነው። በፀረ-ሽብርተኝነት አዋጁ ‘የሽብርተኛ ድርጅት’ ከመባል ግን አልተረፈም። የፌደራል አቃቢ ሕግ በ19/12/2006 ዓ.ም. ባቀረበው ክስ

1. አብዱልከሪም አብዱሰመድ አብዱልቃድር
2. ሀዎጃ ሚነሳ አጉር
3. ኢላቅ ኢብራሒም ዓሊ (ዕድሜ 17)
4. አዴላ ጃባለ ንምር
5. አብዲ ሀሚዝ ፈረንሳ
6. ፋተልሙላ አጣሂር አከሶ

የፀረ-ሽብርተኝነት አዋጁን አንቀፅ 7(1) በመጥቀስ ከላይ የተዘረዘሩትን ስድስት ግለሰቦች ‘የአሸባሪው የቤሕነን አባል ናችሁ በማለት ክስ አቅርቦባቸዋል።

ሰሜን ኢትዮጵያ ጫፉ ላይ ነን። በስልጣን ላይ የሚገኘው ‘ኢህአዴግ’ ትግሉን የጀመረበት የትግራይ ክልል ውስጥ። ‘ገዢው ስርዓት ለትግራይ ሕዝብ አመጣልሃለሁ ያለውን ዴሞክራሲና ፍትህ ማምጣት አልቻለምና ስልጣን በቃው’ በማለት የተነሳው ዴሞክራሲያዊ ሕዝቢ ምንቅሳቀስ ትግራይ (ዴሕምት) ደግሞ ከትግራይ ክልል የተገኘው ‘አሸባሪ’ ድርጅት ነው። የፌደራል ዓቃቢ ሕግ በ

1. ብሎፅ ገ/ፃድቃን
2. ነጋሌ ብርሃኑ
3. ሹማይ ተበጀ

ላይ ባቀረበው ክስ ‘የአሸባሪው’ ዴሕምት አባል በመሆን የተለያዩ  የሽብር ተግባራትን ሊፈፅሙ ሲሉ ይዣቸዋለሁ በማለት የፀረ-ሽብርተኝነት ሕጉን አንቀፅ 7(1) በመጥቀስ ክስ መስርቶባቸዋል።

በዘጠኙም የፌደራል ክልሎች ‘አሸባሪ’ ድርጅቶችን መፈለጋችንን ቀጥለናል፤ ማረፊያችንም ኦጋዴንያ ሆኗል። የኢትዮጵያ የህዝብ ተወካዮች ምክር ቤት በፀረ-ሽብርተኝነት ሕጉ አንቀፅ 25 መሰረት በሽብርተኛ ድርጅትነት ከሰየማቸው 5 ድርጅቶች ውስጥ ላለፉት ሶስት አስርት ዓመታት ኦጋዴንን ነፃ ለማውጣት እየታገለ የሚገኘው የኦጋዴን ብሔራዊ ነፃነት ግንባር (ኦብነግ) አንዱ ሲሆን፤ የፌደራል አቃቢ ሕግም በየጊዜው ‘የአሸባሪው’ የኦብነግ አባላት ናችሁ በማለት እጅግ ብዙ ክሶችን በኦጋዴን ተወላጆች ላይ የፀረ-ሽብርተኝነት ሕጉን በመጥቀስ ክስ አቅርቦ ‘ፍርዳቸውን’ በመጠባበቅ ላይ ይገኛሉ።

እስኪ በዓላማ ደረጃ ብሄር ተኮር ከሆኑት ‘የሽብርተኛ ድርጅቶች’ ሕብረ ብሔራዊ ኢትዮጵያ ‘የሽብርተኛ ድርጅቶች’ እንለፍ።

የግንቦት ሰባት ንቅናቄ “በስልጣን ላይ ያለው መንግስት የሰላማዊ መታገያ መንገዶችን በሙሉ  ስላፈናቸው፤ ‘በማንኛውም አይነት’ የመታገያ መንገዶች ትግል እናደርጋለን።” በማለት አቋሙን ካላወቀ በኋላ ‘ይሔማ ዋና አሸባሪ ድርጅት ነው’ በማለት በመንግስት ከተሰየመ ወዲህ ትልልቅ የፖለቲካ ስብዕናዎችን ጨምሮ  ብዙ ግለሰቦች ከዚህ ድርጅት ጋር ግንኙነት አላችሁ በሚል ‘የሽብርተኝነት ድርጊቶችን’ ለመፈፀም በማቀድ፣ ማሴር፣ መሰጋጀትና ማነሳሳት ወንጀሎች ተከሰው ወደ እስር ቤት ወርደዋል፤ ወይም በሌሉበት ተፈርዶባቸዋል። ይሔው ጉዳይ ቀጥሎ ይሕ ፅሁፍ በተፃፈበት ወቅት እንኳን በፌደራል ዓቃቢ ሕግ በ13/12/05 በቀረበ ክስ

1. ዘመኑ ካሴ በእውቄ
2. አሸናፊ አካሉ አበራ
3. ደህናሁን ቤዛ ስመኝ
4. ምንዳዬ ጥላሁን ለማ
5. አንሙት የኔዋስ አለኸኝ
6. ደሳለኝ አሰፋ ወንድማገኝ
7. ም/ኢ/ር ሙልየ ማናየ ረታ
8. ጠጋው ካሳ እንየው
9. ይህዓለም አካሉ አበራ

የፀረ-ሽብርተኝነት አዋጁ አንቀፅ 4,  5 እና 8 ተጠቅሶባቸው ‘በአሸባሪነት’ ተከሰው ፍርድ እየተጠባበቁ ይገኛሉ።

የኢትዮጵያ ሕዝብ አርበኞች ግንባር (ኢሕአግ) ወደተባለ ‘የሽብርተኛ ድርጅት’ አልፈናል። በክስ ሒደር ላይ የሚገኙ ሁለት መዝገቦችንም እናገኛለን። የመጀመሪያው በፌ/ዓ/ሕ/መ/ቁ 033/06 በቀን 28/12/05 በ

1. ፀጋው አለሙ ተካ
2. ዋሲሁን ንጉሱ ገብሬ
3. ጎዳዳው ፈረደ ማሞ
4. ማማይ ታከለ በየነና
5. ተገኝ ሲሳይ መንገሻ

ላይ የቀረበ ‘የአሸባሪው’ ኢሕአግ አባል የመሆን ክስ ሲሆን፤ በተመሳሳይ ሁኔታ የፌደራል ዓቃቢ ሕግ በክስ መዝገብ ቁጥር 174/06 በ02/11/06 ባቀረበው ክስ

1. አስማማው ደሴ ጣሰው
2. መብራታይ ይርጋ ተስፋዬ

ላይ የፀረ-ሽብርተኝነት አዋጁን አንቀፅ 7(1) በመጥቀስ ‘በሽብርተኝነት’ ክስ አቅርቧል።

በ1987 ዓ.ም. የፀደቀው የኢትዮጵያ ሕገ-መንግስት የሀገሪቱን የአስተዳደር ስርዓት ከአሀዳዊ (Unitary) ወደ ፌደራል መንግስ ሲቀይር እንደ ምክንያት የጠቀሰው ዋነኛ ነገር ለታሪካዊ ጥያቄዎች መልስ መስጠትን፣ በአለፉ ስርዓቶች የተከፉ የተለያዩ  ወገኖችን የከፊል ራስ ገዝነት (Semi-Autonomous) የሆነ ስልጣን በመስጠት ‘ቁስላቸውን መሻር’ ወ.ዘ.ተ. የሚሉ ሀሳቦችን ሲሆን ለእነዚህ ሀሳቦች መፈፀምም በዘጠኝ ክልሎች የተዋቀረ እና በዋናነት ዘውግን መሰረት ያደረገ የፌደራል ስርዓትን ዘርግቷል።

ገዥው ፓርቲ “ሕገ-መንግስቱ የፌደራል ስርዓት በመዘርጋት ጭቆናን ታሪክ አድርጓል፤ የብሔሮችን ጥያቄም ላንዴና ለመጨረሻ ጊዜ መልሷል።” በማለት በተደጋጋሚ ቢገልፅም ከላይ ባየናቸው የፀረ-ሽብርተኝነት ሕጉ የመሬት እውነታዎች በኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ ካሉት ዘጠኝ ክልሎች በስድስቱ ውስጥ ማለትም፥ በኦሮሚያ፣ በአማራ፣ በሶማሌ፣ በትግራይ፣ በቤኒሻንጉል ጉሙዝና በጋምቤላ ክልሎች በብሔር ደረጃ የተቋቋሙ ‘ነፃ አውጪዎች’ በአሸባሪነት ተሰይመውና ተፈርጀው አይተናል።

በፌደራል ስርዓቱ ከተቋቋሙት ክልሎች 2/3ኛዎቹ በአንድም ሆነ በሌላ መንገድ መከፋታቸውን የሚገልፁ  ታጣቂ ሀይሎች ያሏቸው ሲሆን በጣም የሚያሳስበው ደግሞ እነዚህ ሀይሎች ‘በአሸባሪነት’ የተፈረጁ መሆናቸው ነው። ታዲያ የኢትዮጵያ የፌደራል ስርዓት አልከሸፈምን? መሳሪያ አነሳ የተባለን ፓርቲ ሁሉ ‘የሽብርተኛ ድርጅት’ እያሉ መፈረጁስ ተገቢ ነውን? አሁን በስልጣን ላይ ያለው ቡድን ስልጣን የጨበጠው በመሳሪያ ነውና፣ የደርግ ስርዓት አሁን ያለው አይነት የፀረ-ሽብርተኝነት ሕግ ኖሮት ቢሆን ኢህአዴግ ‘አሸባሪ ድርጅት’ መባሉ እውን ነበር። በዚህ ሂደት ገዢው ቡድን ከቀጠለ ‘ደርግ በወደቀበት ወቅት 17 የታጠቁ ሀይላት ነበሩ’ እንደሚባለው ኢህአዴግ ከስልጣን በሚወርድበት ወቅትስ ስንት ‘የሽብርተኛ ድርጅቶች’ ይኖሩ ይሆን?

ዞን9 ይህንን ጽሁፍ ለማጠናከር የተጠቀምንበትን ከላይ ያለውን መረጃ አንኳን ብንወስድ ዘጠኝ የተለያዩ ቡድኖች ነፍጥ አንግበው የሚንቀሳቀሱ ሲሆን በዚህ አጭር ጽሁፍ ውስጥ በሂደት ላይ ያሉ የክስ ሂደቶች ቁጥር እንኳን 58 ተከሳሾችን ማየት ይቻላል፡፡ እነዚህ እኛ ማስረጃውን ማግኘት ያልቻልንባቸውን የክስ ሂደቶች እና ቀድሞ የተቀጡ ያለቁ ፋይሎችን እና ክልል ላይ የተደረጉ “የፍርድ ሂደቶቸን” አይጨምሩም፡፡  

(ማስታወሻ:  - በዚህ ንዑስ ርዕስ ስር የተጠቀምንባቸው 10 የሽብርተኝነት ክሶች በሙሉ ከነሀሴ 2005 እስከ ነሀሴ 2006 ዓ.ም. ድረስ ባለው የአንድ ዓመት ጊዜ ውስጥ ብቻ በፌደራል አቃቢ ሕግ የቀረቡ ሲሆኑ፣ ይህ ፅሁፍ በተፃፈበት ወቅትም ሁሉም መዝገቦች በቀጠሮ  ላይ የሚገኙ ናቸው። )

‘It’s IslamoPhobic’?

ዓለማቀፉ የፀረ-ሽብርተኝነት ትግል ትኩረቱን በዋነኛነት የሙስሊሙ ዓለም ላይ ማድረጉ በተችዎች ዘንድ ‘የፀረ-ሽብርተኝነት ትግል ሳይሆን የተያዘው ኢስላምጠልነት (Islamophocia) ነው’ እስከመባል ደርሷል። ኢትዮጵያም የፀረ-ሽብርተኝነት አዋጅ ስታፀድቅ በገዥው ስርዓት የተሰጠው ምክንያት “የፀረ-ሽብርተኝነት ትግላችንን ለማሳደግ ያስችለን ዘንድ የህግ ማዕቀፋችን ማሳደግ አለብን፤ ይሔም ከዓለማቀፉ እውነታ ጋር ለመራመድ ያስችለናል።” የሚል ነው።

ታዲያ የኢትዮጵያ የፀረ-ሽብርተኝነት ሕግ በውጤቱ እንዴት ሆነ? ብለን ተጨባጭ ምሳሌዎችን እያነሳን መመልከቱ ጉዳዩን ግልፅ ሳያደርገው አይቀርምና እስኪ እንመልከት።

የኢትዮጵያ ሙስሊም ኢስላምን (Ummah) ከኢትዮጵያዊነት ጋር አንድ ላይ ይዞ በሀገሩ ለመኖር ረጅም ጊዜን ያስቆጠረ ትግል አድርጓል፡ ‘የአሞራ ቤቱ ከዋርካ፣ የኢስላም ሀገሩ መካ’ ልባል አይገባኝም’ በማለት ለመብቱ መከበር ብዙ ደክሟል። ኢህአዴግ ስልጣን ላይ በወጣበት ወቅትም በብዙሀን ዘንድ የመብት መከበር ጉዳይ ላንዴና ለመጨረሻ ጊዜ ይፈታል የሚል ተስፋ ተሰንቆም ነበር። ኢትዮጵያ በሕገ-መንግስቷ የሁሉንም ሀይማኖቶች እኩልነት በማወጅ፣ መንግስት በሀይማኖት ጉዳይ ላይ ጣልቃ አይገባም ብላ በመደንገግ የተሰነቀውን ተስፋ አለመለመችው። በተግባር ደረጃ ግን ከተለያየ የሀይማኖት ሰዎች ዘንድ መንግስት በሀይማኖታዊ ጉዳዮች ላይ ጣልቃ እየገባ ነው፣ እጁን ከሀይማኖታችን ላይ ያንሳልን። ወ.ዘ.ተ. የሚሉ ጥያቄዎች በየጊዜው እየተነሱና በመንግስት አካላት እየታፈኑ ዘልቀዋል።

የኢትዮጵያውያን ሙስሊሞችም ሁኔታ በዚህ ጥያቄ በመጠየቅ እና በመንግስት አካላት ጥያቄዎችን በመደፍጠጥ ነገሮች ሲመላለሱ ከቆዩ በኋላ ሙስሊሙ ሕብረተሰብ መሰረታዊ ጥያቄዎቹን በመወከሉት ልጆቹ አማካኝነት በተደራጀ እና ሰላማዊ በሆነ መንገድ ከጥር 2004 ዓ.ም. ጀምሮ  አቀረበ። እነዚህ ወኪሎችም መንግስት ለጥቂት ጊዜም ቢሆን መፍትሄ ለማግኘት ጥያቄያቸውን ይዘው ከመንግሰት አካላት ጋር ሲደራደሩ ቆዩ፡፡

በአጋጣሚ ሆኖ የፀረ-ሽብርተኝነት ሕጉ ጥቅም ላይ በሰፊው መዋል በጀመረበት ወቅት ላይ ነበርና ‘የሙስሊሙ የመፍትሔ አፈላላጊ ኮሚቴ’ የሙስሊሙን ጥያቄዎች ለተለያዩ  አካላላት በሰላማዊ መንገድ ያቀረበው። እንግዲህ ከዛን ጊዜ ወዲህ ነው የፀረ-ሽብርተኝነት ሕጉ በኢትዮጵያውያን ሙስሊሞች ላይ መበርታት የጀመረው።

ሕጉ ጥቃቱን የጀመረው የፌ/ዓ/ሕግ በክስ መዝገብ ቁጥር 122/05 በ19/02/2005 ዓ.ም. 

1. አቡበከር አህመድ ሙሐመድ
2. አህመዲን ጀበል
3. መከተ ሙሄ መኮንን
4. ካሚል ሸምሱ ሲራጅ
5. በድሩ ሁሴን ኑርሁሴን
6. ያሲን ኑሩ ኢሳ
7. ሳቢር ይርጉ ማንደፍሮ
8. መሀመድ አባተ ተሰማ
9. አህመድ ሙስጠፋ ሀቢብ
10. ሙራድ ሽኩር ጀማል
11. አቡበከር አለሙ ሙሔ 
12. ኑሩ ቱርኪ ኑሩ
13. ባህሩ ዑመር ሽኩር
14. ሙኒር ሁሴን ሀሰን
15. ሰዒድ አሉ ጀውሀር
16. ዩሱፍ ጌታቸው
17. ሙባረክ አደም ጌቱ
18. ካሊድ ኢብራሒም ባልቻ
19. አብዱረዛቅ አክመል ሀሰን
20. አሊ መኪ በድሩና
21. አብሩራህማን ኡስማን ከሊል

ላይ የፀረ-ሽብር ሕጉን አንቀፅ 3 (1, 2, 4 እና 6) እና አንቀፅ 4 ላይ የተመለከተውን በመተላለፍ በማለት ክስ ባቀረበበት ወቅት ሲሆን በክሱም ‘የሙስሊሞች የመፍትሔ አፈላላጊ ኮሚቴ’ የተባለ ‘የሽብርተኛ ድርጅት’ በመመስረት’ በማለት ‘ኮሚቴውን’ ‘የሽብርተኛ ድርጅት’ በማለት ሰይሞ ሌሎች ሙስሊም ጋዜጠኖችንና የሀይማኖት ሰዎች ‘የሽብርተኛ ድርጅቱ’ አካላት በማድረግ ክስ አቅርቦ በሒደት ላይ ይገኛል።

በጣም አስደንጋጡ እና አሳዛኙ ጉዳይ ደግሞ ህዝበ ሙስሊሙ በሰፊ ድጋፍ ይወክሉኛል በማለት የመረጣቸውን ሰዎች ‘አሸባሪ’ በማለት የመሰረቱትን ኮሚቴ ደግሞ ‘የሽብር ድርጅት’ ከማለት ባለፈ በአጠቃላይ ሙስሊሙ እያደረገ ያለውን ሰላማዊና በአፍሪካ የሰላማዊ ትግል እንቅስቃሴዎች ትልቅ ስኬት እና አብነት እንደሆነ Rene Lefortን ጨምሮ ታላላቅ ምሁራን እየገለፁት ያሉትን እንቅስቃሴ በመንግስት አካላት ከአለማቀፉ የሽብርተኛ ድርጅቶች ጋር ለማገናኘት እየተደረገ ያለው ሙከራ፣ ሙስሊሙን የኢትዮጵያዊነት ጠላት አድርጎ የመሳል ሁኔታ (ባንዲራ አቃጠለ ወ.ዘ.ተ. እያሉ)... ወ.ዘ.ተ. መኖሩ ነው። የፀረ-ሽብርተኝነት ሕጉ ኢትዮጵያውያን ሙስሊሞችን በቀጥታ እያጠቃ ነው ብለን ለመደምደም ‘የሙስሊም መፍትሔ አፈላላጊ ኮሚቴ’ አባላት መታሰር ብቻ በቂ ሊሆን አይችልምና ተጨማሪ ማስረጃዎችን መፈለግ ያሻል። ስለዚህም እነሆ: -

የፌደራል ዓቃቢ ሕግ በመዝገብ ቁጥር 225/06 በ25/09/06 ዓ.ም. ባቀረበው ‘የሽብርተኝነት’ ወንጀል ክስ ‘የሙስሊሙ መፍትሔ አፈላላጊ ከተባለ የሽብርተኛ ድርጅት ጋር ግንኙነት አላችሁ’ በማለት

1. ኤልያስ ከድር ሽኩር
2. ሙባረክ ከድር ሀሰን
3. ቶፊቅ መሀመድ ዑመር
4. ፈይሰል አርጋው ኡመር
5. አብዱልመጅድ አብዱልከሪም
6. እስማኤል ሙስጠፋ ሀሰን
7. ሬድዋን አብደላ አህመድ
8. አንዋር ሱልጣን መሀመድ
9. አብዱላዚዝ ፋቱደን በድሩደን
10. ዳፋር ደጋ ሀሰን
11. ፋሩቅ ሰዒድ አብዶ
12. መሪማ ሀያቱ ዑመር
13. መሀመድ ዓሊ ሀሰን
14. መሀመድ አይለየን ገማ
15. አቡበክር ሰልማን ሙላና
16. ሙዓዝ ሙደስር አወል

የፀረ-ሽብርተኝነት አዋጁ አንቀፅ 7(1) ተጠቅሶባቸው ክሳቸውን በእስር ሆነው እየተከታተሉ ይገኛሉ።

በተመሳሳይ በየ/ፌ/ዓ/ሕ/መ/ቁ 216/06 በተከፈተ ሌላ ክስ

1. አብዱልአዚዝ ጀማል አብዱ
2. ጅብሪል ይመር አበጋዝ
3. ስዑድ ሙሳ ሁሴን
4. ሀያት አህመድ ረዲ
5. ሳላሀዲን ሙሀመድ አህመድ

የተባሉ ግለሰቦችም የፀረ-ሽብርተኝነት አዋጁ አንቀፅ 7(1) ተላልፈዋል፤ ‘ራሱን የሙስሊም መፍትሔ አፈላላጊ ኮሚቴ በማለት ከሰየመው የሽብርተኛ ድርጅት ጋርም ግንኙነት አላቸው’ በማለት ተመልክቷል።

በዚህ ብቻ አያበቃም። የፌደራል ዓቃቢ ሕግ በመዝገብ ቁጥር 164/06 ባቀረበው ‘የሽብርተኝነት ድርጊት ወንጀል’ ክስ ደግሞ

1. አህመድ ኢድሪስ ገበየሁ
2. አንዋር ኡመር ሰዒድ
3. ሷሊህ መሀመድ አብዱ
4. አደም አራጋው አህመድ
5. አብዱራህማን እሸቱ መሀመድ
6. ኢብራሒም ሙሔ ይማም
7. ዑመር ሁሴን አህመድ
8. ይመር ሁሴን ሞላ
9. ሙባረክ ይመር አየለ
10. እስማኤል ሀሰን ይመር
11. ከማል ሁሴን አህመድ
12. አብዱ ሀሰን መሀመድ
13. አህመድ ጀማል ሰይድ
14. ሙሀመድ ዩሱፍ መሀመድ

ላይ የፀረ-ሽብርተኝነት አዋጁን አንቀፅ 3(1)፣ (6) እና (7) በመጥቀስ የአሸባሪነት ክሶችን አቅርቦባቸዋል።

በአጠቃላይ በአሁኑ ወቅት ሙስሊም ሆኖ መታሰር የፀረ-ሽብርተኝነት ሕጉን አንቀፆች የሚያስጠቅስ እስኪመስል ድረስ ሕጉ የሙስሊሙን ሕይወት አክብዶታል። የታሪካዊ ጭቆናዎች ሰለባ የነበረው ኢትዮጵያዊ ሙስሊም አሁን ደግሞ ‘የሽብር ምህዳሩን’ አጣቦት ይገኛል። የፀረ-ሽብርተኝነት አዋጁ ተግባራዊነት እና ሰለባ እያደረጋቸው ያሉት የኅብረተሰብ ክፍሎች ስንመለከት ‘ሕጉ ኢስላም ጠል (Islamo-Phobic) ነው’ እንድንል ያደፋፍረናል። አሁን ለዚህ ጽሁፍ ማጣቀሻነት ሲባል የተጠቀምንባቸውን የክስ ፋይሎች ስንመለከት አንኳን 48 ሙስሊሞች በተለያየ የክስ ፋይል ተከሰው እናገኛለን፡፡

(ማስታወሻ: ሁሉም በዚህ ንዑስ ርዕስ ስር የተጠቀሱ የክስ መዝገቦች በቀጠሮ  ላይ ያሉና የመጨረሻ ፍርድ ያላገኙ መሆናቸውን ልብ ይሏል።)

ዴሞክራሲን ‘ያንበረከከው’ ሕግ 

 ኢህአዴግ ስልጣን በያዘባቸው የመጀመሪያዎቹ ዓመታት ሲወደስባቸው ከነበሩት ተግባራት ዋነኞቹ ነፃ ተቋማትና የፖለቲካ ፓርቲዎች በነፃነት ይንቀሳቀሱ ዘንድ ፈቃድ መስጠቱ እና ለነፃ የፕሬስ ተቋማት እውቅና መስጠቱ የሚጠቀሱ ናቸው። በሒደት በተለይም ምርጫ 97ን ተከትሎ ግን ገዢው ፓርቲ ነፃ ተቋማትን፣ የፖለቲካ ፓርቲዎችንና የግል ፕሬሱን በመያዶች ሕግ፣ በፖለቲካ ፓርቲዎች አዋጅ እንዲሁም የፕሬስ አዋጅ በማውጣት ገዢው ፓርቲ የተወደሰባቸውን ተግባራት አንድ ባንድ መደፍጠጥ ጀመረ። ከሁሉም አስከፊውና ሁሉንም ከመንግስት መዋቅር ውጭ ያሉ ተቋማትን በአንድ ላይ ዝም ያስባለው እና ትንሽ እንቅስቃሴ በታየ ቁጥር ብቅ  ያለ ወደ እስር የሚወረውረው በ2001 ዓ.ም. የወጣው የኢትዮጵያ የፀረ-ሽብርተኝነት አዋጅ ነው።

በሰላማዊ መንገድ የፖለቲካ ትግል ለማድረግ የወሰኑ ግለሰቦች ‘ከሽብርተኛ ድርጅቶች ጋር ግንኙነት አድርጋችኋል’ በሚል ምክንያት (pretext) የፀረ-ሽብርተኝነት ሕጉ የተመዘዘባቸው እና እስከ እድሜ ልክ እስራት የተፈረደባቸው እንደ አንዷለም አራጌ እና በቀለ ገርባ ያሉ ግለሰቦች በፊተኛው ረድፍ እናገኛለን። የጋዜጠኝነት የሙያ ግዴታቸውን እየተወጡ እያሉ በመሀሉ ‘አሸባሪዎች’ ናችሁ ተብለው በፀረ-ሽብርተኝነት ሕጉ የተወነጀሉትን እንደ እስክንድር ነጋ፣ ርዕዮት ዓለሙ እና ውብሸት ታዬ ያሉ ጋዜጠኞችን እናገኛለን። ክሳቸው በሒደት ላይ የሚገኙ ግለሰቦችን ጉዳይ መመልከታችን የፀረ-ሽብርተኝነት አዋጁ ማንን ለማጥቃት የተመዘዘ እንደሆነ በግልፅ ያስረዳናል።

የፀረ-ሽብርተኝነት አዋጁ ከፀደቀበት ጊዜ ጀምሮ ብዙም ባልተለመደ መልኩ ፖሊስ በመጀመሪያ በመደበኛ የወንጀል ሕግ አግባብ መሰረት ‘ሕገ-መንግስታዊ ስርዓቱንና ሕገ-መንግስቱን በሀይል ለማፍረስ በመሞከር ወንጀል ሙከራ’ ጠርጥሬያቸዋለሁ በማለት ስድስት ጦማሪያንንና (ማለትም በፍቃዱ ኃይሉ፣ ናትናኤል ፈለቀ፣ ማህሌት ፋንታሁን፣ አጥናፉ ብርሃኔ፣ ዘላለም ክብረት እና አቤል ዋበላ) እንዲሁም ሶስት ጋዜጠኞችን (ማለትም አስማማው ኃ/ጊዮርጊስ፣ ኤዶም ካሳዬና ተስፋለም ወ/የስ) ከሶ የጊዜ ቀጠሮ እየጠየቀ ቢሔድም የመደበኛው የወንጀል ሕግ ስነስርዓቶች አልተመቹትምና የሁሉም ማጥቂያ ወደሆነው የፀረ-ሽብርተኝነት አዋጁ ጉዳዩን በመውሰድ እና ጦማሪ ሶልያና ሽመልስን በመጨመር በ10 ተከሳሾች ላይ በቀን 09/11/2006 በፌ/ዓ/ሕ/መ/ቁ 05/07 በተዘጋጀ ክስ “ግንቦት ሰባት የተባለ የሽብርተኛ ድርጅትን መመሪያ በመቀበል፣ ኦነግ የተባለ የሽብርተኛ ድርጅትን መመሪያ በመቀበል እንዲሁም በክሱ ላይ ስሙ ያልተጠቀሰ (ምናልባትም ዞን 9) የሽብርተኛ ድርጅትን በማቋቋም ‘የሽብርተኝነት ድርጊቶችን’ (ድርጊቶቹ የትኞቹ እንደሆኑ በክሱ አልተጠቀሰም) ለመፈፀም ሲያሴሩ፣ ሲያቅዱ፣ ሲዘጋጁና ሲያነሳሱ ተይዘዋል።” በማለት ክስ አቅርቧል። የፀረ-ሽብርተኝነት ሕጉም የተለመደውን ጋዜጠኞችን የማሰር ሒደቱን አጠናክሮ በመቀጠል ብዙም ያልተለመደውን ጡመራንም (Blogging) አካቶ፣ በነፃነት የተደራጀ ማንኛውም ዓይነት ስብስብ ‘የሽብርተኛ ስብስብ ነው’ ወደ ሚል አስደንጋጭ ደረጃ ከፍ አድርጎታል።

ምናልባትም በሰላማዊ መንገድ የሚታገሉ ፓርቲዎች ላይ የፀረ-ሽብርተኝነት ሕጉ የማይደርስ የሚመስለው ካለ ቀጣዮቹ ተጠቂዎች (victims) ጥሩ ማስረጃዎች ይሆኑታል። የግንቦት ሰባት ከፍተኛ አመራር የሆኑት አቶ አንዳርጋቸው ፅጌ በየመን፥ ሰንዓ ተይዘው ለኢትዮጵያ መንግስት ተላልፈው በተሰጡበት ቅፅበት ከተለያዩ  ሰላማዊ ትግል ለማድረግ ተመዝግበው እየተንቀሳቀሱ ካሉ የፖለቲካ ፓርቲዎች ላይ አባላትን በሽብርተኝነት ድርጊት ወንጀል ጠርጥሬያቸዋለሁ በማለት ፖሊስ አስሮ በፌደራል የወንጀል ምርመራ ዘርፍ ምርመራ እየተካሄደባቸው እንደሆነ ይታወቃል።

በዚህም መሰረት አብርሀ ደስታ ከአረና ለፍትህና ለነፃነት የፖለቲካ ፓርቲ፣ ሀብታሙ አያሌውና ዳንኤል ሺበሺ ከአንድነቱ ለፍትህና ለዴሞክራሲ ፓርቲ፣ የሺዋስ ወንድማገኝ ከሰማያዊ ፓርቲ በማሰር በፀረ-ሽብርተኝነት ሕጉ አማካኝነት ከሶ  ይህ ፅሁፍ በተፃፈበት ወቅት ፖሊስ የጊዜ ቀጠሮ እየጠየቀ በፌደራል የወንጀል ምርመራ ዘርፍ ማረፊያ ቤት አስሯቸው ይገኛል። በተጨማሪም ቀደም ብለው ተከሰው በፌደራል የወንጀል ምርመራ ዘርፍ (ማዕከላዊ) የሚገኙትን አቶ አፍሪካ ከበደ ከኦሮሞ ፌደራሊስት ኮንግረስ (ኦፌስ) እንዲሁም አቶ ታምራት ታዬ ከመላው ኢትዮጵያ አንድነት ድርጅት (መኢአድ) አብረን ስናየው የፀረ-ሽብርተኝነት አዋጁ በሀገሪቱ ውስጥ እየተንቀሳቀሱ የሚገኙትን ዋነኛ የፖለቲካ ፓርቲዎች በጠላትነት በመቁጠር ከሁሉም ፓርቲዎች የተለያዩ ግለሰቦችን የፀረ-ሽብርተኝነት ሕጉ ሰለባ (booty) አድርጓል።

በአጠቃላይ ለዴሞክራሲ ማደግ ዋነኛ መሰረቶች የሆኑትን ነፃ ፕሬስ፣ የፖለቲካ ፓርቲዎች እና ነፃ ስብስቦችንና ተቋማትን የፀረ-ሽብርተኝነት አዋጁ ድል አድርጓቸዋል። ዴሞክራሲንም አሁን ባለው የኢትዮጵያ የፖለቲካ ምህዳር ቦታ የሌለው ሀሳብ እንደሆነ በተግባር (by implication) ተበይኗል።

የፀረ-ሽብርተኝነት ሕግ የበላይነት (Rule of Anti-Terrorism Law)

የፀረ-ሽብርተኝነት ህጉ እያዳረሰ ያለውን ሁለንተናዊ ጉዳት ከነሰለባዎቹ ማንነት በዚህ ፅሁፍ ማቅረባችን የችግሩ መነሻና መድረሻ ሕጉ ነው በሚል አይደለም። ይልቁንም የፀረ-ሽብርተኝነት ሕጉ የአምባገነንነት መገለጫ (An epitome of dictatorship) ነው ወደሚል አቅጣጫ ስለሚያመራንም ጭምር ነው። ከሕጉ ጀርባ ዴሞክራሲያዊ ሕልምን የመጨፍለቅ ዓላማ ያለው አካል መሳሪያ ሆኖ የቀረበ አዋጅ ነው።

ሕጉ የማያንኳኳው ቤት አይኖርም። ከሕጉ ‘ባለቤት’ ውጭ። በአፈፃፀሙም ማንኛውንም ዓይነት ድርጊት ከሳሹ መንግስት በፀረ-ሽብርተኝነት ህጉ አማካኝነት መክሰስ ይችላል ወደሚል የፍርድ ቤት ትርጉም ደርሰናል። ከሕጉ አፈፃፀሙ ይከፋል። የዜጎችን ሕገ-መንግስታዊ መብቶች ‘ወንጀሉ እኮ ሽብር ነው’ በሚል አስገራሚ ምክንያት ወደጎን ተደርጓል። አቃቢ ሕግ የፀረ-ሽብርተኝነት ሕጉን በመጥቀስ እያቀረባቸው ያሉት ክሶች በሙሉ በመደበኛው የወንጀል ሕግ የተሸፈኑ ቢሆንም ‘ጉዳዩ  እኮ ሽብርተኝነት ነው’ በሚል የፀረ-ሽብርተኝነት ሕጉ አድማሱን በማስፋት መብቶቸን ለመጣስ የተለየ የህግ ማእቀፍ በመፍጠር ግዳይ መጣሉን ቀጥሎበታል።

በፀረ-ሽብርተኝነት ሕጉ አንቀፅ 36(1) ላይ እንዲህ ተደንግጓል: -

“ከዚህ አዋጅ ጋር የሚቃረን ማናቸውም ሕግ፣ ደንብ፣ መመሪያ ወይም የአሰራር ልማድ በዚህ አዋጅ በተመለከቱ ጉዳዮች ላይ ተፈፃሚነት አይኖረውም።”

ይህ ተራ አዋጅ አይደለምና ከላይ በአዋጁ አንቀፅ የተገለፀው ‘ማናቸውም’ የሚል ቃል በእርግጥም ሕገ-መንግስቱንም ይጨምራል። ከሕገ-መንግስት የበላይነት ወደ የፀረ-ሽብርተኝነት ሕግ የበላይነት የተሸጋገረች ኢትዮጵያ! በፀረ-ሽብርተኝነት ሕጉ እየተመራችም የ2007 ዓ.ም. አምስተኛውን ሀገራዊ ‘ምርጫን’ ‘ፍትሀዊና ሰላማዊ’ በሆነ መንገድ ለማከናወን ደፋ ቀና እያለች ሲሆን ጥያቄው ደግሞ ምርጫው እየተቃረበ ሲሄድ የተፎካካሪ ፓርቲዎች ‘የሽብርተኛ ድርጅትነት’ ይረጋገጥ ይሆን? የሚለው ነው።

_______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ 

[1] በሰኔ 2006 ዓ.ም. ከሞያሌ ኢትዮጵያ በኢትዮጵያ የብሔራዊ መረጃና ደህንነት አባላት ታፍኖ ይህ ፅሁፍ እስከተፃፈበት ጊዜ ድረስ በፌደራል ፖሊስ የወንጀል ምርመራ ዘርፍ የሚገኘው የ14 ዓመት ልጅ ሲሆን። ፖሊስም ‘የኦሮሞ ነፃነት ግንባር (ኦነግ)ከተባለ የሽብርተኛ ድርጅት ጋር ግንኙነት አለህ’ በማለት የፀረ-ሽብርተኝነት ሕጉን በመጥቀስ የ28 ቀናት የጊዜ ቀጠሮ እየጠየቀበት በእስር ላይ ይገኛል።

[2] ከፀረ-ሽብርተኝነት ሕጉ የመጀመሪያ ሰለባዎች አንዱ የሆኑት አቶ ፅጌ ገብረማርያም አሁን በእስር ላይ የሚገኙት የአቶ አንዳርጋቸው ፅጌ አባት ሲሆኑ፤ ልጃቸውን ለመጠየቅ ወደ እንግሊዝ ሀገር በሔዱበት ጉዳይ ‘ከሽብርተኞች ጋር ግንኙነት አድርገዋል’ ተብለው የ8 ዓመት ፍርድ በተፈረደባቸው ወቅት የ80 ዓመት አዛውንት ነበሩ።

[3] ይሄን ስምን ቀይሮ አንድን ጉዳይ የማቅረብ አካሄድ የወሰድነው William Easterly የተባሉ ምሁር ‘The Tyranny of Experts’ ባሉት መፅሐፋቸው Uganda ውስጥ የደረሰን የአካባቢ ውድመት America, Ohio ውስጥ እንደደረሰ አድርገው ለአንባብያን ይገባ ዘንድ ካቀረቡበት አካሄድ ነው።

[4] የፌደራል ከፍተኛ ፍርድ ቤት የልደታ ምድብ በአሁኑ ወቅት ካሉት 20 ችሎቶች ውስጥ ሁለቱ፣ ማለትም አራተኛ እና አስራ ዘጠነኛ ወንጀል ችሎቶች ‘በፀረ-ሽብርተኝነት’ ሕጉ አማካኝነት የሚቀርቡ ክሶችን የሚመለከቱ ሲሆን በችሎቶቹ የሚሰየሙት ዳኞችም በየጊዜው ይቀያየራሉ። ነገር ግን በችሎቶቹ በቋሚነት ተሰይመው ‘የሽብርተኝነት’ ክሶችን እየተመለከቱ ያሉት ዳኞች ባህሩ ዳርቻ፣ ብስራት ተህልቁ፣ ቀናቴ ሆና፣ ሸለመ በቀለ፣ ወ.ዘ.ተ. 

 

Source-http://zone9ethio.blogspot.no/2014/10/blog-post.html

Read more