Wednesday, 30 October 2013

Norway: Bergen streets in the fight against torture

Ethiopians demonstrating against the systematic torture of political prisoners in the country

Saturday afternoon demonstrated Ethiopians against the abuse of dissidents in the country. Photo: Eirik Hagesæter
Saturday afternoon demonstrated Ethiopians against the abuse of dissidents in the country. Photo: Eirik Hagesæter
October 27, 2013, Norway (BA) – We demonstrate in order to put pressure on the Norwegian government and the international community, so they can put pressure on the regime in Ethiopia , says EBSS Tesema to BA.
He explains that many of them are asylum seekers from the region of Oromia in Ethiopia , where the systematic injustice taking place.
WHIPPED AND HUNG
Opposition politicians , journalists and regime critics are subjected to systematic torture at a police station in Addis Ababa , according to a Human Rights Watch report that was presented last week.
The police station is located in the heart of the capital Addis Abbeba in Oromia region .
Torture methods used include blow to the body with hard objects and flogging . Prisoners are also hung from the ceiling in very painful positions, writes Aftenposten.
Merciless
Ethiopia’s ruling party , Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front ( EPRDF ) , has ruled the country for over 20 years. Following the disputed elections in 2005 , the authorities have turned down hard on the opposition.
Anti -terror laws since 2009 have been used to imprison both journalists and dissidents .
It is these conditions Ethiopians in Bergen will have an end.
With banners with slogans like ” Stop the torture of Oromo ” and ” Stop lavishing “, and the use of megaphones , spread the message to people in the downtown streets.
-BA
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Monday, 28 October 2013

Ethiopia: Confessions of a Police State by pro. alemayehu G. mariam


The trashing of constitutional rights   
The Ethiopian Constitution guarantees, “Persons arrested have the right to remain silent. Persons arrested shall not be compelled to make confessions or admissions which could be used in evidence against them. Any evidence obtained under coercion shall not be admissible.” (Article 19(2)(5).) In reality, this guarantee is not worth the paper it is written on! 
Last week, Human Rights Watch (HRW) issued a report documenting the horrors that take place in the little shop of horrors of the ruling regime in Ethiopia known as the “Federal Police Crime Investigation Sector” (the dreaded “Maekelawi (Central) Police Station”). Located in the capital Addis Ababa, Maekelawi is “the country’s most notorious police station.” 
HRW’s report, “They Want a Confession” Torture and Ill-Treatment in Ethiopia’s Maekelawi Police Station”,  is based on intensive interviews of former detainees, many of whom were tortured for opposing the regime. Maekelawi is the first stop for “many of Ethiopia’s political prisoners -- opposition politicians, journalists, protest organizers, alleged supporters of ethnic insurgencies, and many others after being arrested.”
Maekelawi lives up to its reputation as “third degree” central -- a place “beyond wrath and tears” where “looms but the horror of the shade” to borrow from William Ernest Henley. Regime opponents, dissidents, independent journalists and others are “interrogated, and, for many, at Maekelawi they suffer all manner of abuses, including torture.” I have met some former detainees who were delivered from the “clutches” of  Maekelawi -- that black pit of physical and mental suffering and citadel of false confessions. HRW’s report barely scratches the tip of the iceberg of horrors that take place at Maekelawi. 
Numerous credible sources confirmed in 2009 that in Maekelawi, the central police investigation headquarters in Addis Ababa, police investigators often used physical abuse to extract confessions.Citizens widely believed that such treatment remained a common practice at Maekelawi. Authorities continued to restrict access by diplomats and NGOs to Maekelawi. 
A genuine Medieval torture chamber in 21st Century Ethiopia! 
Maekelawi evokes images of Medieval torture chambers of Europe infamous for inflicting “horror, dread and despair” on their victims. According to HRW, “Police investigators at Maekelawi use coercive methods on detainees amounting to torture or other ill-treatment to extract confessions, statements, and other information from detainees.” Not unlike many Medieval European torture chambers, Maekelawi has four categories of prisoners grouped in terms of their level of cooperation and compliance with the demands of their interrogators: “Maekelawi has four primary detention blocks, each with a nickname, and the conditions differ significantly among them. Conditions are particularly harsh in the detention blocks known by detainees as ‘Chalama Bet’ (dark house in Amharic)… [where] detainees have limited access to daylight, to a toilet, and are on occasion in solitary confinement… In ‘Tawla Bet’ (wooden house) ‘access to the courtyard is restricted and the cells were infested with fleas.’ Short of release, most yearn to transfer to the block known as ‘Sheraton,’ dubbed for the international hotel, where the authorities allow greater movement and access to lawyers and relatives.” There is also “an overcrowded women’s section”.  
The ruling regime in Ethiopia uses a variety of torture methods to extract information, statements and confessions from political prisoners.  “Detainees are repeatedly slapped, kicked, punched, and beaten with sticks and gun butts. Some reported being forced into painful stress positions, such as being hung by their wrists from the ceiling or being made to stand with their hands tied above their heads for several hours at a time [Medieval “strappado”], often while being beaten. Detainees also face prolonged handcuffing in their cells [Medieval hand shackles] —in one case over five continuous months—and frequent verbal threats during interrogations. Some endured prolonged solitary confinement [popular during the Spanish Inquisition].” Detainees are subjected to “severe restrictions on access to daylight, poor sanitary conditions, [Medieval dungeons] and limited medical treatment. Conditions are particularly harsh during initial investigations.” 
The purpose of these torturous practices is “to maximize pressure on detainees to extract statements, confessions, and other information—whether accurate or not—to implicate them and others in alleged criminal activity.These statements and confessions are in turn sometimes used to coerce individuals to support the government once released, or as evidence against them at trial.” 
There is little detainees can do at Maekelawi to seek “redress. Ethiopia’s courts do not demonstrate independence in political cases. Courts that have received allegations of detainee torture and ill-treatment at Maekelawi have on occasion failed to take adequate steps to address the allegations. Several former detainees told Human Rights Watch they kept silent about their treatment in court, fearing reprisals from investigators. Others said they had never appeared before a court.” 
In July 2008, retired British colonel Michael Dewars, an internationally recognized security expert commissioned by the regime to undertake an assessment of the prison system and make recommendations, described what he witnessed when he “was taken to an Addis Ababa sector police station and shown the detention facilities.” He recounted, “I asked to go into the compound where the prisoners are kept. This consisted of a long yard with a shed to one side which provided some sort of shelter. The compound had a wall around it and a watchtower for an armed sentry overlooking it. Inside must have been 70 – 80 inmates, all in a filthy state. There was insufficient room for all these people to lie down on a mat at once. There was no lighting. The place stank of faeces and urine. There appeared to be no water or sanitation facilities within the compound. There was a small hut in an adjacent compound for women prisoners but there had been no attempt by anybody to improve the circumstances of the place. The prisoners were mostly on remand for minor crimes, in particular theft. Some had been there for months….” 
Col. Dewars concluded:  “Detention conditions of prisoners are a disgrace and make the Federal Police vulnerable to the Human Rights lobby…. The prison I saw was a disgrace. No one is recommending a Hilton Hotel, but, if any human rights organization were to get inside an Ethiopian jail, they would have enough ammunition to sink all our best efforts… The result of all these circumstances is chaos, injustice for the detainees and condemnation by the human rights lobby and the international community.”
In October 2013, HRW reports, “Over the past decade Human Rights Watch and other domestic and international human rights organizations have documented patterns of serious human rights violations, including arbitrary arrest and detention, ill-treatment, and torture in many official and unofficial detention facilities throughout Ethiopia. The government has invariably dismissed these findings or conducted investigations that lack credibility.”
Maekelawi as a metaphor for Open Prison Ethiopia
I have previously commented on prison conditions in Ethiopia. In my February 2012 commentary, Political Prisoners Inside Ethiopia’s Gulags, I sought to expose the abuse and mistreatment of political prisoners by the regime. In February 2013, I wrote about Ethiopia as the Prototype African Police State. I argued, “The singular hallmark -- the trademark -- of a police thug state is the pervasiveness and ubiquity of arbitrary arrests, searches and detentions of citizens. If any person can be arrested on the whim of a state official, however high or petty, that is a police state. If the rights of citizens can be taken or disregarded without due process of law, that is a dreadful police state. Where the rule of law is substituted by the rule of a police chief, that is a police thug state.” In that commentary, I focused on widespread allegations of targeted nighttime warrantless searches of homes belonging to Ethiopian Muslims in the capital Addis Ababa. One of the disturbing allegations was the claim that “federal police” officers illegally searched the homes of Ethiopian Muslims and stole cash, gold jewelry, cell phones, laptops, religious books and other items of personal property. A police chief in one of the capital’s districts gave a telephone interview on these allegations to the Voice of America- Amharic program and threatened the reporter who irked him with tough questions: “I don’t care if you live in Washington or in Heaven. I don’t give a damn! But I will arrest you and take you. You should know that!!”
In July 2012, Erin Burnett of CNN visited Ethiopia and described what she witnessed:
We saw what an African police state looked like when I was in Ethiopia last month… At the airport, it took an hour to clear customs – not because of lines, but because of checks and questioning. Officials tried multiple times to take us to government cars so they'd know where we went. They only relented after forcing us to leave hundreds of thousands of dollars of TV gear in the airport… 
Seen the video of interrogation in a police state!? 
The HRW’s report documents abuses that are inflicted on detained political opponents of the regime or those who simply demand respect for their human rights. Earlier this year, an 18-minute video was posted on Youtube showing the interrogation and “confession” of a suspect  allegedly involved in leading Muslim protests in the capital. For over two years, many Muslims in Ethiopia have been protesting and demanding a stop to the regime’s interference in their religious affairs. The videotaped interrogation appears to have taken place in the office of a top police or security official at Maekelawi according to knowledgeable sources. There appear to be other persons in the interrogation room, but only the voice of the principal interrogator  can be heard (another person is heard chiming in agreement with the principal interrogator acouple of times).
The interrogation office has a stylishly stained and paneled door.  A fancy white curtain is visible in the background. Expensive imported high back executive leather chairs and sofa furnish the portion of the interrogation room  visible to the camera lens. There is a map of Ethiopia hanging behind the suspect. It is obvious that the interrogation is not taking place in the dingy bowels of Maekelawi.  Knowledgeable sources suggest that the interrogation was likely conducted by a top police official within the office of the “Federal Police Commissioner”.  
The videotape shows a young suspect in handcuffs  steepling his palms from time to time as though in a praying position. The interrogator gives the young suspect the “third degree” lite (possibly because the camera is rolling). The interrogator has the sinisterly commanding voice of a seasoned interrogator. The interrogator questions the suspect as thought he were a Medieval inquisitor extracting a confession from a heretic during the Inquisition. The interrogator grills the cowering and soft-spoken young suspect and hammers him with questions about his religious beliefs. He hectors the suspect on the meaning of  the  “Salafia” brand of Islam and lectures him on radical Islam and the dangers of the “Brotherhood”. He whipsaws the suspect with sarcasm and baits him with wisecracks. The interrogator accuses the suspect and his group of intending to establish an Islamic government in Ethiopia and using a certain local Islamic school as a cover for subversive activity. The suspect is badgered on the sources of funds used to support his organization. Throughout, the interrogator ridicules, sneers, taunts and contemptuously laughs at the suspect. He puts words in the mouth of the suspect; and when the suspect begins to answer by denying allegations, the interrogator cuts him off abruptly and dismissively. The interrogator browbeats, bullies and berates the young suspect who sat helplessly handcuffed in a high back executive chair trying to answer the questions in soft almost inaudible voice while displaying great respect to his interrogator.    
Knowledgeable sources say there is much that is hidden in plain view in the video. For instance, it is often the case that a few days before the videotaping of an interrogation, a  suspect is given a full round of interrogation by lower rank police officials who will not hesitate to “work him over” (beat) and “soften” him up to make him more cooperative during the suspect's his video confession.  The videotaped interrogation session is usually attended by other police and civilian officials who will later testify in court that they were present when the suspect voluntarily made his confession and that they observed no coercion.  (Neither the court nor defense lawyers are given copies of the videotaped interrogation.) The  interrogation is done in a casual manner and conversational tone  to avoid the appearance of an intimidating police interrogation atmosphere. The questions are laid out cleverly like landmines in a field.  The interrogator will ask the suspect general questions about the organization to which he belongs, its ideology, its supporters, its sources of funding, alleged illegal activities and so on. Those questions will be followed by other questions which place the suspect in a compromising position. Why did the suspect belong such an organization; what role he play; why did he not report alleged criminal activities and so on. The video interrogation becomes the perfect set up for the suspect to make confessions of criminal wrongdoing and hang himself.  
Top police interrogators obviously do not want to leave a videotape of their brutal or coercive interrogation practices. Knowledgeable sources are surprised to see the young suspect in the aforementioned video in handcuffs while he is being interrogated. The visual impact of a handcuffed suspect being interrogated by a high level police official is rather shocking;  and knowledgeable sources are not sure why the young suspect was left in handcuffs during the videotaping.  The videotaped interrogation is also said to have value in the regime’s psychological warfare against its opponents. It is intended to embarrass and demean the suspects and make them an object lesson for all opposition leaders and dissidents. Energetic and passionate young leaders are shown cowering and frightened once in the claws of the mighty Maekelawi. It sends out a message to all opposition leaders that if they end up in Maekelawi, they will be broken into pieces, ground down, chewed up and spit out. As the HRW report noted, "confessions are sometimes used to coerce individuals to support the government once released". 
Be that as it may, it is incredible and mindboggling to watch on video the interrogator’s complete and depraved disregard for the constitutional rights of the suspect as a pretrial detainee who is “presumed to be innocent until proved guilty according to law and not to be compelled to testify against themselves” (Eth. Const. Article 20(3). The interrogator trashes the young suspect’s constitutional rights like a bull in a china shop. The fact that the young suspect has a constitutional “right to remain silent” is of little concern to the interrogator (Article 19(2)(5)  “Persons arrested have the right to remain silent. Persons arrested shall not be compelled to make confessions or admissions which could be used in evidence against them. Any evidence obtained under coercion shall not be admissible.” The fact that the suspect’s lawyer is not present during the custodial interrogation does not faze the interrogator (Article 20(5); Article 21(2) “Accused persons have the right to be represented by legal counsel… and communicate with their legal counsel.”). The fact that the suspect must be timely notified of the charges against him is ignored by the interrogator (Article 20 (2) “Accused persons have the right to be informed with sufficient particulars of the charge brought against them and to be given the charge in writing.”). 
The interrogator flagrantly disregards the suspect’s right to religious freedom by badgering and lecturing him on which brand of Islam is “radical” and by demanding the suspect renounce the radical brand of Islam of the “Brotherhood” and accept the brand preferred by the regime (Article 27(1) (3) “Everyone has the right to freedom of … religion. This right shall include the freedom to hold or to adopt a religion or belief of his choice… either individually or in community with others… (3) No one shall be subject to coercion or other means which would restrict or prevent his freedom to hold a belief of his choice.” The interrogator could not care less about the suspect’s “right to assemble and to demonstrate together with others peaceably and unarmed, and to petition” when questioning him about his religious affiliations and doctrinal preferences (Article 30 (1). Suffice it to say that the interrogator trashed the suspect’s rights guaranteed not only under the Ethiopian Constitution but also various international conventions to which Ethiopia is a signatory. 
Defending the right against self-incrimination under the Fifth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution
The privilege against self-incrimination or the right to remain silent is at the core of the bundle of rights guaranteed to Americans citizens in their Bill of Rights. No person “shall be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself”, declares the Fifth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution.  Puritans who fled England and established colonies in North America did so in large part because of their belief in their right to remain silent and the punishment they suffered for their refusal to cooperate with the Crown interrogators. The Crown inquisitors often coerced and tortured the Puritans into confessing their religious affiliation and determined they were guilty if they remained silent. English law granted its citizens the right against self-incrimination in the mid-1600s.  
This hallowed privilege against self-incrimination is the foundation of American criminal jurisprudence: The accused is presumed innocent until proven guilty beyond a reasonable doubt by the government. It is the duty of the government and its prosecutors and police to prove the guilt of the accused. The accused does not have to do anything, especially talk to or cooperate with the police or the prosecutor in proving his own guilt. Neither the U.S. Congress, the U.S. Supreme Court, the President of the United States nor the local policeman could force an American citizen to make statements or admissions that could potentially incriminate him/her.  
The U.S. Supreme Court stopped the practice of coerced police interrogations in 1966. The Court mandated a simple procedural safeguard popularly known as “Miranda warning”. In practice, the Miranda rule requires police who seek to interrogate a suspect in their custody or in circumstances where the suspect’s freedom of action is restrained, to warn that suspect of his/her right to remain silent; that any statements made by the suspect may be used as evidence against him/her; that the suspect is entitled to consult a lawyer prior to interrogation, and if s/he cannot afford a lawyer, the state will make one available to him prior to interrogation. The privilege against self-incrimination and the right to counsel may be waived if the waiver is knowing, intelligent, voluntary and not the product of illegal police tactics. The U.S. Supreme Court pronounced, “Miranda has become embedded in routine police practice [in the U.S.] to the point where the warnings have become part of our national culture.”  
It has been the greatest privilege of my legal career to defend the privilege against self-incrimination under the Fifth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution. In 1998, in People v. Peevy, I had the distinct honor and privilege to argue before the California Supreme Court for the exclusion of testimonial evidence (admission, confession) obtained in deliberate and intentional violation of the Miranda rule at trial. At the time, it was an accepted practice among many police departments in California to continue interrogation of a suspect despite the suspect’s invocation of his right to remain silent and demand for a lawyer during questioning. This illegal interrogation practice was known among certain police and prosecutorial circles as “outside Miranda interrogation”. 
As a result of the Court’s decision in Peevy, the practice of “outside Miranda” interrogation in the State of California ceased. In 2000, the U.S. Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals held in CACJ v. City of Santa Monica that individual police officers who violate a suspect’s right to remain silent by continuing interrogation after the suspect has invoked his right to remain silent (conduct “outside Miranda interrogation” and obtain admissions, confessions) could be held personally liable for civil damages for any such constitutional violation.  
Confessions obtained by coercion or torture are unfair and unreliable
There is no evidence in a criminal case that is more compelling than a confession in which the suspect admits his/her guilt. When the police interrogate a suspect, their aim is not to seek the truth or to help the suspect prove his innocence. Their singular aim is to obtain incriminatory statements and admissions (confession) from the suspect’s mouth and provide the factual basis to formally accuse and convict him/her. During coercive police interrogation, the suspect is made to prove his guilt by his own words, or to actively assist the government in proving his own guilt. The privilege against self-incrimination levels the playing field against overbearing and manipulative police investigators who interrogate in a “police-dominated” environment and “exploit the weaknesses of individuals”. 
There are many compelling reasons why the suspect’s or the accused’s right to remain silent as a target of a criminal investigation or prosecution must be respected. The most important one is fairness. It is unfair to allow a trained, professional police interrogator to ask questions of a citizen suspected of violating the law with the singular aim of eliciting admissions likely to incriminate the suspect. Coerced interrogation unfairly shifts the burden of proof from the government to the defendant. The importance of having a lawyer present during police interrogation is to ensure the suspect is treated fairly. It is unfair to force the suspect or the accused to answer police questions before the suspect’s lawyer has fully investigated the facts of the case. The lawyer needs to know what evidence government has against the suspect and available defenses before advising his client to answer or not answer any questions. 
Confessions obtained by torture or other forms of coercion are notoriously unreliable. Suspects confess to crimes they have not committed to stop the physical and psychological pain inflicted upon them by their police interrogator. Innocent suspects who are deprived of food, water and sleep will confess because they are confused, in pain and to ease their suffering. When questioned by the police, the innocent will talk thinking their innocence will protect them against accusations. They are unaware of the traps laid by manipulative police investigators. They believe telling truth will free them, but the truth is often twisted and distorted by a trained police interrogator who wears down a suspect by asking confusing questions, intimidation, threats and deception. There are plenty of social scientific studies which show innocent people admitting to crimes they did not commit (gave false confession) after hours of unrelenting interrogation. Silence to the accused during custodial interrogation is worth more than all the gold, platinum, emerald or diamond in the world!
Why pretend? Re-create a Star Chamber  
In 15th Century England, the Star Chamber (the ceiling of the court had stars painted on it) court was established to enforce the law against prominent people in society who were unlikely to be convicted in the ordinary courts. Star Chamber court sessions were held in secret and prosecuted without indictments or witnesses. The Crown eventually transformed the Star Chamber into a powerful legal weapon to suppress and destroy rivals, opponents and critics. The ruling regime in Ethiopia might as well re-invent its own Star Chamber court complete with a ceiling painted in the occultish pentagram that adorns its flag. 
Confessions of an outlaw regime: A regime that breeds contempt for the law                                                                            
I am often baffled by the regime’s flagrant defenestration of its own Constitution. The rhetoric of constitutionalism often babbled by regime leaders, apart from being laughable, reminds me of the religious acolyte who mindlessly jabbers sacred texts and performs rituals without any meaningful understanding of what he is saying or doing. I am also mindful of a line from Shakespeare, “The devil can cite Scripture for his purposes.” The regime leaders are quick to defend their Constitution against the perceived wrongs and desecrations of opponents. They are conveniently blinded to their own debasement of their Constitution. For years, I have been saying that preaching constitutional law (the rule of law) to the regime leaders in Ethiopia is like preaching Scripture to a gathering of heathen or pouring water over a slab of granite. The latest HRW report goes to show the deep contempt the regime has for the rule of law.
Louis D. Brandeis, one of the great justices to sit on the United States Supreme Court observed, “In a government of laws, existence of the government will be imperiled if it fails to observe the law scrupulously. Our Government is the potent, the omnipresent teacher. For good or for ill, it teaches the whole people by its example. Crime is contagious. If the Government becomes a lawbreaker, it breeds contempt for law; it invites every man to become a law unto himself; it invites anarchy. To declare that, in the administration of the criminal law, the end justifies the means -- to declare that the Government may commit crimes in order to secure the conviction of a private criminal -- would bring terrible retribution.” Justice Brandeis was objecting to the use of illegally wiretapped private telephone conversations by the government as a form of compelled self-incrimination. 
What can be done when a regime is the lawbreaker? The Constitution trasher? What can be done when the regime is the outlaw? A government that respects the rule of law needs to replace a regime that trashes the rule of law. The ruling regime in Ethiopia by lawlessly forcing its opponents to make false confessions itself confesses silently to its own lawlessness. 

“The healthy man does not torture others - generally it is the tortured who turn into torturers.” Carl Jung 

Friday, 25 October 2013

የአንድነት አመራር አፈና እና ድብደባ ተፈጸመባቸው


የአንድነት ለዴሞክራሲና ለፍትህ ፓርቲ የብሄራዊ ምክር ቤት አባልና በሚሊዩኖች ድምጽ ለነጻነት ሕዝባዊ ንቅናቄ በተለያዩ ከተሞች በመንቀሳቀስ ከፍተኛ ተሳትፎ ያደረጉት መምህር አበበ አካሉ ትናንት 14/02/06 ዓ.ም የደህንነት መስሪያ ቤት አባላት ነን ባሉ ሶስት ቅጥረኞች የግድያ ሙከራና አካላዊ ጥቃት እንደደረሰባቸው ለፍኖተ ነጻነት ይፋ አድርገዋል፡፡
ሰላማዊው ታጋይ እንደተናገሩት በምሳ ሰዓት ኮተቤ መሳለሚያ አካባቢ ለስራ ጉዳይ ሲንቀሳቀሱ ህገ ወጦቹ ያካራክሯት የነበረችን ላንድክሩዘር መኪና የእግረኛ መንገድ እንድትዘጋ በማድረግ አቶ አበበን በሀይል በመኪናው በመጫን ወደማያውቁት ሰዋራ ቦታ በመውሰድ ቤቶች በሚሰሩበት አካባቢ ከመኪናዋ በማውረድ ሺሚንቶ ላይ በማስተኛት በሰላማዊ መንገድ የሚያካሂዱትን ትግል እንዲያቆሙ ይህ ካልሆነም‹‹ በሽብርተኝነት በመወንጀል መንግስትን በሀይል ለማውረድ ትሰራለህ›› በማለት እንደሚወነጅሏቸው በመንገር በቃላት ለምግለጽ በሚቸግር ሁኔታ ድብደባ እየተፈራረቁ እንዳካሄዱባቸው ተናግረዋል፡፡
መምህር አበበ ከቀኑ 6፡30 እስከ ምሽቱ 1፡00 ሰዓት ግለሰቦቹ ሽጉጥ ደግነውባቸውና የማያውቁትን የአልኮል ቃና ያለው ፈሻሽ ነገር በመጋትና ከሲሚንቶ ጋር አጣብቀው በመርገጥ የግድያ ሙከራ ካደረጉበቫቸው በኋላ ከምሽት ላይ በመኪና አውጥተው እንደጣሏቸው ለፍኖተ ነጻነት ተናግረዋል፡፡
ፍኖተ ነጻነት ፓርቲው አመራሩ በህገ ወጥ መንገድ መያዛቸውንና መደብደቡን በተመለከተ ምን እያደረገ ነው በማለት የፓርቲውን ከፍተኛ አመራሮች በመጠየቅ ከአመራሮቹ ‹‹ጉዳዩን በማጣራት ላይ እንገኛለን፡፡አውሬነት የተሞላበትን አስነዋሪ ድርጊትም በቸልታ የምናልፈው አይሆንም››የሚል ምላሽ አግኝታለች፡፡
መምህር አበበ አካሉ በአሁኑ ወቅት በመኖሪያ ቤታቸው ተኝተው ይገኛሉ፡፡ ሰላማዊው ታጋይ ባለትዳርና የሶስት ልጆች አባት ናቸው፡፡1380035_10200813739286687_903798303_n

Monday, 21 October 2013

Address Oromo issues to make Ethiopia a true democracy


 
No politics is ever born new as the politics of tomorrow is the projection of what we have on our hands today. It is only that as a society the wisdom we deploy in handling our political moves makes the outcome of the projection to take a desirable course or a catastrophic one.
The civil right issues and the quest for social reform that we grapple with today after it has exploded out of control have started during the time of Emperor Haile Silasse. The outcome could have been sweeter and the process smoother had they been wisely dealt with at the time. Unfortunately the ruling class had remained at best insensitive at worst tried to manipulate it contrary to the interest of the majority due to the naïve belief that power was their gift from God and it was theirs to keep.
 Then heavy rain started to beat us when the rule of the monarchy had to come to an end unceremoniously and the whole process hijacked by the military dictatorship with a socialist ideology that presupposes one party rule at a time when Ethiopian politics was bustling with a number of divergent views and different political groupings that could have been better accommodated under a multiparty political system, hence the blood shade.
The Eritrean question has always been there for years before the emperor was deposed and so did the Oromo issues. Had an attempt been made to answer them wisely and timely we would not have been where we stand today. Yet the most unfortunate is even today, almost two decades later which is a little short of my age, we seem to have drawn little lesson from our failures of all these years as our country titters on the verge of disintegration. As our national bag of regret is overflowing for the missed opportunities, I strongly believe it is not too late for us to do the right thing that helps to save our country.
Democracy being a political system that presupposes the rule of the majority by way of a free and fair democratic process, a society that shirks from tackling issues related to the significant majority in its midst can only pretend to be democratic in order to keep in check the unsolved issues. Though the unrelenting efforts  made by our elites in trying to inform and enlighten our people politically is commendable, I have so far seen one paper that has boldly aimed at the heart of the fundamental problem that holds back our country from becoming a real democracy.

Many people believe that by resolving Oromo issues our country can claim to have settled by far more than half of our socio-political problems; however the challenge has remained on how to go about it. In order for us to become a truly democratic nation with no bones in the closet in the form of jails that are always full to the brim with political detainees, we should not shy away from any avenue that will take us to the most desired place - a truly democratic nation that is at peace with itself.
And that can only happen when, given what has been on the ground over the last two decades, we become ready and willing to accept anything that can help our people to march towards the platform of reconciliation as long as all Ethiopians as citizens of one nation can work and live anywhere in the country irrespective of their tribe or faith group. Whatever is ‘given to or rather recognised for’ a part of our society in the process of social reform is never taken away for it will be there for all of us in which we will become a rainbow nation that recognises and cherishes its diversity. It is with this frame of mind that we should approach issues of social and political reform with generous attitude and bold mentality far from begrudging and mean way of thinking since it would have an unprecedented effect in terms of healing and reconciliation to help our self put the ghost of tribalism to rest for ever.
It is also on this premises that I consider venturing into a territory where the devil dare not step as I am ready and willing to accept the condemnation it inevitably attracts to me from all sides. By refusing to ‘swallow the medicine that cures us,’ in political sense, we often prove to be Ethiopians for it has not been in our political tradition to swallow the bitter pill for our own good.
So here I go, as an individual and a fellow citizen if I were to be asked I would recommend the following as the best or nearly the best starting point when it comes to addressing Oromo issues:          
1 - One could not help sympathizing with the argument that our three colour flag has flown for generations defended by the sacrifices made by our ancestors from all communities making no segment of our society able to lay claim of exclusive ownership to it. This is a true and fair argument which sounds highly convincing, yet with the proliferation of different flags for different communities came the clamour from each group to stick to its own and this very fact seems to have invigorated the necessity of reforming our flag with the view of making it attractive to all citizens equally as a national symbol which each and every citizen will be willing and ready to defend and die for.
In respect to this, given the size of the Oromo population and the land mass it represents, there should be a clear mark in our national symbol dedicated to Oromo identity. Put in also some stars or other things appropriate to recognise other minority tribes in the country. We should be able to acknowledge that a lot needs to be done to shore up the sense of pride in our bigger national identity in order to counter the undesirable trend of sense of patriotism as it stands eroded and dealt a severe blow when it comes to the younger generation as allegiance seems to have shifted to one’s own tribal enclave with its respective flag rather than the larger national identity and pride.  If it takes reforming our flag for the sake of peace and reconciliation so be it and we should be more than willing to redesign our symbol in order to ‘save our soul.’
2- Accept Oromo language as the second national language with the preferred alphabet or Qubee as it has already been in use over the last two decades. We should be able to appreciate the fact that modern day information technologies such as computer keyboard, internet communication, mobile phone texting and other social media outlets such as face book make the use of Qubee inevitable even without legal enforcement.
And this fact renders irrelevant the argument against the use of Qubee as it seems to be the case with some segments of our elites. Understandably those who oppose the use of Qubee have their arguments based on maintaining our tradition of using Sava Alphabet as a symbol of our independence which is another fair opinion with credit to it but as things stand today this argument comes too late to resonate with the Oromo mass that has been writing with the alphabet for such a long time.  All Ethiopians should begin to consider Qubee as a tool of convenience chosen by native speakers of the Oromo language rather than as a symbol of reversal of history for we still remain with Sava Alphabet using it to write Amharic and Tigrigna as ever.
Should there be any compelling reason beyond my imagination that calls for the use of Qubee to be abandoned, the right avenue towards that should be by asking the Oromo mass through a referendum as a way of genuine democratic process and respect for the people and their opinion.
Talking of language, we should work hard to avoid the risk of appearing to ignore the minority communities in the country as we understandably are focusing on the larger ones. For this reason, I believe, in the future there need be at least a government funded independent TV station dedicated to promoting the language and culture of the nearly 83 tribes in the country in which case each is assigned a designated air time of a minimum of 30 minutes to 1 hour every week or every three or four days in a week with the view of preserving it all as a national treasure of cultures that should not be left to die with time as was the case with the extinct Gaffat language in our history.
3- Come up with a formula of resource sharing with the express aim of some benefits for areas and regions from where resources are generated as national resources. The people from the areas where resources originate cannot be expected to be happy bystanders who enjoy the role of overseeing resources leaving their area destined to develop other parts of the country.
There need be a mechanism by which a percentage of it is spent on the development of the region in terms of health facilities, infrastructure and schools as a gesture of good will.  We cannot lose sight of the globally recognised fact that the exploitation of resources comes with side effects such as environmental degradation, pollutions of air and water sources where by the people in the immediate locality are the direct victims of such undesirable effects making the consideration of compensating the locals fair and appropriate.
4- With this in place, restructure the country on a federal arrangement with provinces as a federal basis as we knew them before the 1991 charter which framed the country with an express purpose of free ride for TPLF without taking into consideration the negative impacts it would have on the country and all Ethiopian communities.
To cite an example Oromiya has been designed as Oromo region in spite of the fundamental flaws in it from the very inception since there are Oromos in all corners of the country that are left out of the arrangement not to mention the non-Oromo communities that had to fall within the region. This being the fact Oromiya cannot qualify as an Oromo region to sit comfortably in the Ethiopian union. Oromo elites should be ready to compromise on this particular issue as it stands on the way of negotiated solutions aimed at resolving our differences amicably since Oromiya finds its name in the history of the country only under the highly biased tyrannical rule of TPLF/EPRDF, simply recognised to help and ensure the divide and destroy policy in which Oromos are the most losers.
Considering the strong emotional association that has evolved in relation to Oromiya as the name of Oromo region among the Oromo mass over the last two decades one could also argue in favour of retaining the name in which case arrangements could be considered to create federal entities on the basis of East, West, South and central Oromiya as part of the federal arrangement.
Yet at the end of the day we formulate policies based on realistic need and practical applicability far from pandering to emotional appeasement. We should be able to accept the fact that the solution to our social woes lies in working together to put in place a dynamic system that accommodates all of us in which we will be able to count on each other as allies in the fight against poverty not as enemies who cannot see anything beyond widening the gap of them-and-us from which no one stands to benefit.
5- Put some arrangements in place to reflect the representation of other minorities in the government in terms of parliamentary and regional representations such that the minorities will be able to have their say when the majorities have their way in one-person one-vote democratic system whereby political parties should be required by law to be multinational without tribal affiliation.
With these provisions in place Oromos should run and compete for political power on equal footings with all other communities in the country as citizens of one state in which any person has the right to live and make a living anywhere in the country without limitations what so ever.

Who’s Having “Nightmares” in Africa? by prof. almayehu G. mariam

Kenyatta RutoGreat African leaders have dreams. The rest have nightmares. 
Recently, African leaders, at least those at the helm of the African Union and their flunkies, have been reporting endlessly recurring ghastly nightmares of Lady Justice “race hunting” them with scales in one hand and a sword in the other. President Uhuru Kenyatta, described by Time Magazine as “Kenya’s richest man”, last week vividly described  his sleepless nights interrupted by nightmarish naps to his brethren at the African Union:
I do not need to tell your Excellencies about the nightmare my country in particular, and myself and my Deputy as individuals, have had to endure in making this realisation. Western powers are the key drivers of the ICC process. They have used prosecutions as ruses and bait to pressure Kenyan leadership into adopting, or renouncing various positions… The threat of prosecution usually suffices to have pliant countries execute policies favourable to these countries. Through it, regime-changes sleights of hand have been attempted in Africa. A number of them have succeeded. Only a fortnight ago, the Prosecutor proposed undemocratic and unconstitutional adjustments to the Kenyan Presidency. These interventions go beyond interference in the internal affairs of a sovereign State. They constitute a fetid insult to Kenya and Africa. African sovereignty means nothing to the ICC and its patrons
Life is sometimes a conundrum, a riddle. Kenyatta got his dream job of President of Kenya (his father Jomo  was the first President of Kenya) this past March when he was elected by a razor thin margin of 50.7 percent of the vote. He now lives in a nightmare haunted by ghosts of crimes past and “race hunters” present. Kenyatta said, “People have termed this situation [his ICC  prosecution] ‘race-hunting’. I find great difficulty adjudging them wrong.” Psychologists say the most common nightmare among people with an overwrought imagination is being chased either by a demon, monster, warlock or madman. In Kenyatta’s nightmare, horned and saw-toothed International Criminal Court (ICC) prosecutors and judges are chasing him right into a cold sweat.   
Just last month, Kenyatta loudly proclaimed his innocence at a graduation ceremony at Moi University Eldoret: “Who does not know that myself, William Ruto and Joshua Sang are innocent? Almost everyone in Kenya at least knows who like fighting and causing chaos in this country and can bear us witness that indeed we did not plan to kill people during the 2008 PEV [post-election violence] .” Kenyatta has also proudly and repeatedly proclaimed,  “From the beginning of the cases, I have fully cooperated with the Court in the earnest expectation that it afforded the best opportunity for me to clear my name… After my election, we have continued to fully cooperate… For 5 years I have strained to cooperate fully…”
Now Kenyatta says, he will not cooperate. He will have nothing to do with the ICC. As far as he (and his cabal on the AU executive council) is concerned, the ICC can go to….  He has  strongly intimated he will be a no show for his trial in The Hague  scheduled to begin on November 12. What happened?! The man who so tenaciously professes his innocence today and has been bragging about his full cooperation with the ICC for the past five years is trembling in cold sweat and having cold feet unable to stand tall and fight for his name, reputation and dignity against vile accusations! Kenyatta “doth protest too much, methinks”, to paraphrase Shakespeare.
Whose court is the ICC anyway?
Kenyatta, Hailemariam, Bashir and Co., would like us to believe the ICC is some vindictive and racist “white court” which gets “70 percent of its funds from the European Union”. Hailemariam made the bizarre  accusation that the ICC is “race hunting” in Africa because “99%” of those it targeted for prosecution are Africans. (In 2010, Hailemariam’s party in Ethiopia won the parliamentary election by 99.6 per cent.) The facts speak otherwise. 34 of the 122 states (28 percent) that signed the Rome Statute, including Kenya, are Africans. Five of the Court’s 18 judges (28 percent) are African. The Court’s vice president, Sanji Mmasenono Monageng of Botswana, and the  chief ICC prosecutor, Fatou Bensouda of Gambia, are distinguished African women who have achieved recognition for their expertise in international law.
Archbishop Desmond Tutu of South Africa unreservedly supports the ICC: “I have seen great gains made that protect the weak from the strong and give us all hope. The ICC is one of these beacons of hope.” Former U.N. Secretary General Kofi Anan of Ghana rejects the scurrilous accusations against the ICC:  “I don’t share the view that the ICC is anti-African. The ICC is not putting Africa on trial. The ICC is fighting impunity and individuals who are accused of crimes.” The European Union may provide a large part of the ICC funding, but it is undeniable that a large part of the ICC is “owned” by Africans!
Appearance and reality: Is there sufficient evidence to bring Kenyatta and Co., to trial?
African leaders are masters of distraction and lords of deception. They are adept at using  red herrings to deflect criticism and evade legitimate demands for accountability and transparency. They play our emotions like a cheap fiddle. They have little regard for our capacity to think and reason. They appeal to our sense of historical grievances by resurrecting ghosts of colonialists and imperialists past. They pander to our fears of neocolonial and neoliberal conspiracies. They try to sear our consciences with fabricated racial indignities invoking images of the “Great White Race Hunter” prowling in Africa. They exploit our natural sense of pity and compassion by depicting themselves as helpless victims and those they have victimized and the defenders of those they have victimized as wicked villains. They try to convince us that the ICC is coming after every African on the continent. In short, they treat us as though we collectively have the intelligence of an amoeba. 
Emotional appeals may work on those who have not had the opportunity or interest to carefully examine the charges against Kenyatta. The record, however, must be set that the ICC charges against Kenyatta are neither frivolous nor trumped up!   
Kenyatta is charged in an indictment filled with shocking testimonial evidence of criminal wrongdoing. Much of the testimonial evidence is independently corroborated and documented.  The corroborated allegations are quite specific. For instance, the ICC Pre-Trial Chamber (the body that confirms charges upon which the Prosecutor intends to seek trial against the person charged) determined “there are substantial grounds to believe that on 3 January 2008 at the Nairobi Club… Mr. Kenyatta met with Mungiki members [sometimes referred to as the “Kenyan mafia”] and directed them to commit the crimes charged.” The testimonial evidence shows Kenyatta and others “agreed to pursue an organizational policy to keep the PNU [former president Kibaki’s Party of National Unity] in power through every means necessary, including orchestrating a police failure to prevent the commission of crimes”. The evidence shows Kenyatta and Co., “devised a common plan to commit widespread and systematic attacks against perceived ODM supporters by: (i) penalizing them through retaliatory attacks; and (ii) deliberately failing to take action to prevent or stop the retaliatory attacks”.
The evidence shows Kenyatta “taking the role of mediator between the PNU and the Mungiki criminal organization, facilitated a series of meetings from November 2007” in which “senior PNU government officials, politicians, businessmen and Mungiki leaders solicit[ed] the assistance of the Mungiki in supporting the government in the December 2007 elections”. In the post-election period, the evidence shows Kenyatta and others “facilitated the meetings with the Mungiki with a view to organizing retaliatory attacks against perceived ODM [Orange Democratic Movement] supporters in the Rift Valley [and]  strengthen the PNU’s  hold on power after the swearing in of the President". The evidence shows  Kenyatta and others “contributed to the implementation of the common plan, by securing the non-intervention of the Kenya Police and by failing to punish the main perpetrators of the attacks.”  
The Pretrial Chamber II found sufficient evidence to conclude Kenyatta and Co., committed the alleged crimes and should stand trial. One need only read the exhaustive 155-page plus Decision on the Confirmation of Charges Pursuant to Article 61(7) (a) and (b) of the Rome Statute to appreciate the gravity of the allegations against Kenyatta and Co., and the meticulous and scrupulous approach taken by the ICC prosecutor and Pre-Trial Chamber to ensure respect for Kenyatta’s due process rights. We must  not be swayed  by the inflammatory emotional appeals of self-serving African snake oil salesmen.
Sleepless in Africa
It is not only Kenyatta but many other African “leaders” who are going sleepless every night afraid of having nightmares of Lady Justice and her posse in hot pursuit. Sundry African “leaders” are afflicted by “ICC nightmareitus” (a term I have coined to describe the nightmare experiences of African leaders who wake up at night in cold sweat biting their nails, scratching their heads and looking under their mattresses for the ICC prosecutor). Hailemariam Desalegn, the titular prime minister in Ethiopia, for the past year has been telling us that he is following the “vision” of his deceased “visionary leader”. Now we find out that his  “vision” is actually a nightmare of a “Great White Hunter” “race hunting” him. Paul Kagame of Rwanda has nightmares of “imperialists” and “colonialists” returning to Africa disguised as judges and prosecutors to catch African leaders and put them in a chain gang. Omar Bashir of the Sudan is holed up in his palace having nightmares of  prowling ICC boogeymen. Thabo Mbeki of South Africa is calling on African intellectuals to join him in warding off creeping “contemptuous” Western knaves and rascals skulking in the African night. Yoweri Museveni of Uganda, who in 2003 wholeheartedly referred the infamous Joseph Kony for International Criminal Court  (ICC) prosecution, in 2013 is having nightmares about a “shallow” and “arrogant” ICC tracking down his fellow African leaders. Many other African leaders in quiet desperation face their own nightmares of an ICC grim reaper on horseback over the horizon; they are fearful they too may one day be held to account for their wanton crimes against humanity.
After more than 60 years of independence, African leaders should be talking about their dreams for Africa like Nelson Mandela: “I dream of an Africa which is in peace with itself.” It is painful to see them running scared from the nightmares of crimes they committed with impunity. But the real nightmare  -- the living nightmare --  is unleashed on the African people. Beginning in 2003, Bashir in the Sudan relentlessly pursued a policy of genocide in the Darfur region which by U.N. estimate claimed over one-half million lives and displaced over 2.5 million people. In 2005, an official inquiry commission in Ethiopia determined that 193 unarmed protesters were massacred in post-election violence in May of that year and 763 suffered severe gunshot wounds (that was only a partial accounting). The previous year over 400 villagers were massacred in the Gambella region; and in 2008 thousands in the Ogaden region were maimed, killed and displaced by military action and indiscriminate bombings.
In 2007-2008, the U.N. estimated some 1,200 people died in Kenya in weeks of unrest between December 2007 and February 2008, and 600,000 people were forcibly displaced. Kenyatta says he is innocent of any criminal culpability in that violence; and he is innocent until the ICC prosecutor proves beyond a reasonable doubt that he did commit the alleged crimes against humanity.
In 2010, Cote d’Ivoire’s Laurent Gbagbo refused to leave office after his opponent was declared the winner in a runoff vote. Today Gbagbo is at The Hague awaiting his day in court. (When former president Gbagbo was bagged and tagged for the long trip to the Hague, the AU suddenly turned stone deaf-mute.) The U.N. estimated that 3,000 people were killed in Cote d’Ivoire’s postelection violence.
In 2011, Gadhafi ordered and organized the arrest, imprisonment, and killing of hundreds of civilians opposed to his regime in the initial days of the Libyan uprising.  In 2012, separatist rebels and militias who took over northern Mali committed unspeakable war crimes and crimes against humanity. In 2013, in battles between the Rwandan-supported M23 rebel group and DR Congo troops, thousands of civilians were  maimed, displaced and massacred in the eastern part of DR Congo. Such is the tip of the iceberg of the African nightmare!
African “leaders” want to end their nightmare by putting the ICC on trial in the court of world public opinion
The AU leadership has undertaken a clever strategy of ending their nightmare by putting the ICC on trial in the court of world public opinion. Imagine the criminals trying to prosecute the prosecutor and the judge! Have the inmates taken over the asylum in Africa?!
The AU’s public relations strategy is to depict the ICC as the judicial equivalent of America’s “Seal Team 6” or Britain’s “Special Air Service” – special forces that surreptitiously go into hostile countries to neutralize specific targets. That’s what Kenyatta meant when he said, “Western powers are the key drivers of the ICC process. They have used prosecutions as ruses and bait to pressure Kenyan leadership into adopting, or renouncing various positions.”
The charge of “dark forces” manipulating the ICC in Kenya makes absolutely no sense. Kenya is the darling of the West and the linchpin to its security structure in Africa be it against the threat of radical Islamist fundamentalist terrorism or piracy on the Indian Ocean. According to a 2013 study prepared for the U.S. Congress, “ U.S. foreign assistance to Kenya has reached almost $1 billion annually in recent years, and the country routinely ranks among the top ten U.S. aid recipients globally. U.S. assistance was estimated at over $900 million in FY2011, including over $200 million in food and other humanitarian aid. Kenya received more than $700 million in U.S. aid in FY2012—over $500 million in bilateral aid, including almost $8 million in Overseas Contingency Operations funds, and roughly $200 million in humanitarian aid, in addition to U.S. support for AMISOM troop contributors. The State Department has requested $564 million in non-emergency aid for FY2014; this figure does not include food aid or certain types of security assistance.”  
Kenya is arguably the largest recipient of U.S. State Department Anti-Terrorism Assistance and has benefitted from millions of dollars in counterterrorism training, military equipment, and surveillance technology. The U.S.  and Kenya have partnered in counterterrorism operations and intelligence sharing. Truth be told, the criticism has been that the U.S. by providing counterterrorism aid to Kenya has turned a blind eye, deaf ears and muted lips to human rights abuses in Kenya.  
The European Commission has provided millions of dollars in aid to Kenya to improve democratic governance focusing on activities related to “anti-corruption, access to justice, elections and civic education, local governance and policy and legal reform, promotion and protection of human rights, public sector reform and institution and capacity-building.” Nairobi is the nerve center of much of the international community in Africa and hosts a variety of regional and international organizations. After New York and Geneva, the United Nations Office in Nairobi’s Gigiri district is said to be the largest UN regional center in the world.   
How can Kenyatta say with a straight face that “Western powers have used prosecutions as ruses and bait to pressure Kenyan leadership into adopting, or renouncing various positions.” Let’s be honest! Could Kenya, Ethiopia, Uganda…. survive without alms from the West? Loans and credits from the wicked “neo-liberal” World Bank and International Monetary Fund? The great American “working man’s philosopher” Eric Hoffer said, “People who bite the hand that feeds them usually lick the boot that kicks them.”  
Nightmares everywhere!
Of course, no one at the AU summit talked about the living nightmares of the helpless, powerless and defenseless villagers in Darfur who to this day are chased by the “Janjawid” (“devils on horseback”) militia. No one at the AU talked about the  nightmares of the survivors of war crimes in the Ogaden and Gambella regions in Ethiopia. No one talked about the crimes against humanity that are taking place in the DR Congo today. No one presented a status report on the effort to capture and bring to justice the notorious Joseph Kony in Uganda. Those who re-live daily the nightmare of murder, torture, mutilation, rape, pillage and plunder were not even mentioned in passing by Africa’s “leaders” at their Summit.
Truth be told, nightmares are not a monopoly of African “leaders”, victims and survivors. Those of us fortunate enough not to witness or experience the ghastly nightmares have nightmares about those nightmares. We have nightmares because we cannot bring ourselves to believe African political and rebel leaders are capable of such bottomless depravity and wanton cruelty. We find ourselves trapped in our own nightmare of indifference, the kind Elie Weisel, the holocaust survivor, wrote about in his book, “Night”:  “Not far from us flames were leaping up from a ditch, gigantic flames...Babies! Yes, I saw it with my own eyes...I pinched my face. Was I still alive? Was I awake? I could not believe it. How could it be possible for them to burn people, children, and the world to keep silent? No, none of this could be true. It was a nightmare...”
How could it be possible for a million Rwandans to be wiped out in a few months in a genocide and the world to keep silent? Or one-half million Darfurians massacred and millions more displaced and the world to keep silent? Over 200 thousand Sierra Leoneans and Liberians mutilated and slaughtered and the world to keep silent? Over 50 thousand Equatorial Guineans abused and persecuted and the world to keep silent? Tens of thousands of Ethiopians tortured (this past week Human Rights Watch issued a 70-page report documenting serious human rights abuses, unlawful interrogation tactics, and poor detention conditions in one prison called Maekelawi) and massacred and the world to keep silent?
Elise Weisel taught us that “There may be times when we are powerless to prevent injustice, but there must never be a time when we fail to protest.” That's why we must speak up, and loud; protest, cry out and demonstrate. We must never, never back down from demanding justice for victims of injustice!
Deferral of ICC trial will not end the nightmare, it will prolong and make it stronger
Kenyatta does not want to face the music in the ICC. He wants to “defer” the court proceedings so that he and his deputy president Ruto can “fulfill their duties of running the country.” The AU and Kenyatta’s lawyers  seek the dispensation of the U.N. Security Council and implore the Council to exercise its authority under Article 16 of the Rome Statute and grant a 12 month “deferral” with the possibility of additional deferrals. “Deferral” is another word for delay; and delay is the oldest trick in the book of defense lawyers. Passage of time favors the accused. Delay often wins criminal cases! Criminal defense lawyers live by the Code of the Three “D’s”: deny, delay, and defend. If a case is delayed, a lot of things can happen: witnesses relocate or die or are suborned to recant or give perjured testimony; witnesses’ memories fade and are unable to recall details; in high profile cases, public opinion can be manipulated and sympathy generated for the accused by  mischaracterizing the charges as politically and racially motivated; a tough prosecutor could be replaced by a more lenient one, more inclined to settle the case or reduce or dismiss some charges.
It is supremely ironic that Kenyatta, the man who vociferously proclaims his innocence and takes pride in cooperating with the ICC, does not want a speedy trial; he wants a delayed trial, a deferred trial. I believe justice delayed is not only justice denied but also injustice prolonged. But I also know for some in the defense bar justice delayed is justice evaded, dodged!
To escape the nightmare of injustice, dream about justice
It will not be possible to end the nightmares of Kenyatta, Ruto and Bashir without simultaneously ending the nightmares of their victims. Their victims can only daydream about ending their nightmares in an open court of law where the facts and the truth about the post-2007 election are brought to light. Their nightmares will vanish when the light of truth shines on those who perpetrated atrocious crimes against them.   
President Kenyatta: Your reputation, Sir! What about your reputation?!
President Kenyatta is alleged to be criminally responsible as an indirect co-perpetrator  pursuant to article 25(3)(a) of the Rome Statute for the crimes of (1) murder (article 7(l)(a)); (2) deportation or forcible transfer (article 7(l)(d)); (3) rape (article 7(l)(g)); (4) persecution (articles 7(l)(h)); and (5) other inhumane acts (article 7(l)(k)). These are heinous accusation which must be swiftly confronted and laid to rest.
President Kenyatta proudly declared,  “From the beginning of the cases, I have fully cooperated with the Court in the earnest expectation that it afforded the best opportunity for me to clear my name.” Now, President Kenyatta should heed young Cassio’s words in Shakespeare’s  Othello, the tragic tale of an African general, smitten not only by love but also by racism in the Venetian Army. Cassio, a good, loyal and learned soldier, following a personal indiscretion frets  about his good name. “Perplexed in the extreme” Cassio questions whether a man, without his reputation and his good name, is merely a beast: “Reputation, reputation, reputation! O, I have lost my reputation! I have lost the immortal part of myself, and what remains is bestial. My reputation, Iago, my reputation!”
Mr. Kenyatta, what does it profit a man to be president when his reputation, his name --  nay! the immortal part of himself, his soul -- becomes the namesake for mass murder, mass deportation, mass rape and mass persecution? What remains of such a man, Mr. President?
Humanity before sovereignty!