Journalist Temesgen Desalgen: An independent journalist denied family visits in TPLF/EPDRF’s Jail

by Ewnetu Sime

Is offering voice to voiceless a crime? Journalist Temesgen Desalgen owner of the news magazine in Amharic called Feteh (justice) has been imprisoned since October 2014. He was charged by TPLF/EPDRF’s regime on incitements, false publications, defamations etc. and sentenced by the kangaroo court for three years in Ziway prison. Since then it was reported on several media his health conditions is deteriorating and access to medical help denied by the prison authorities. As recently as October 23, 2015, I listened the interview of Journalist Temesgen’s brother Tariku and his lawyer (Ato Amha Mokonnen) with VOA (part 2). Tariku said that two of his brothers went to Ziway prison a total four times to visit him in the past week alone. They were denied to visit him. Prison authorities bluntly told them you cannot see him. “We really don’t care whether you are his brother or not, you cannot see him”. The reason given was a rude one; “It is none of your business”. This is typical arrogant behavior of TPLF/EPDRF loyalist across the country.



Each passing day his family worries about Temesgen’s health condition. He has been incarcerated in inhumane living condition. He has been mistreated and denied medical assistance by prison authorities. Giving these stressful predicaments Tariku kept on making agonizing journeys to Ziway prison. As he arrived at prison compound initially he was denied to visit him, but he confronted them and told them that Temesgen should not be deprived from family visitation unless you (Prisoner authorities) are hiding something from families. He also told them I am not leaving the prison compound unless he has learned Temesgen’s condition. It appears that his determination forced the prisons authorities to take few minutes to consult each other. Finally they agreed to allow him to see Temesgen for two minutes. Tariku noticed that Temesgen back pain has worsened and has caused him difficulty when walking. The family continues to worry extremely about his health condition.

Nevertheless, the Temesgen’s lawyer stated that any prisoner shall have visitation rights and shall receive medical treatment when necessary under the government constitution. All his rights are denied. His lawyer also confirmed that there is a clear violation of law by referring to the prisoner rights. He plans to appeal to Human Rights organization and the court. Hoping they will intervene and compel the Ziway Prison authorities to allow the family to visit Temesgen and to get him the proper medical treatment.

It was indicated that the jailer has not told Temesgen that his families were denied to visit him. They kept him in dark to be a silent victim. One can imagine what is going in his mind not seeing his friends or family members for long time. It is one form of torture the TPLF/EPDRF’s regime often use and a retaliatory act against him. The VOA interviewer said he also made calls to the Ziway’s prison office to inquire about Temesgen. The calls were not answered.

The continuation of denying medical treatment and family visit by Prison authorities is a well-planned action of authoritarian TPLF regime. It is intended to punish him in this cruel manner. Journalist Temesgen’s articles has been voice for voiceless and exposed the TPLF/ EPDRF injustice, deception and violence. Writing articles should not have been a crime. Temesgen writing seen by many as watch dog role and inform the general public by publishing. On the contrary, what the regime actually doing to its own citizens in these manners is pure crime.

Temesgen earned trust by the general public for all his writings in the then free press that is granted by the Constitution. A free press as we know it in democratic countries provides equal rights for all citizens. In Ethiopia, the ruthless regime continued clamping down to silence critical voices for past 24 years. Temesgen has operated within the legal frame work established by the constitution, should not be in prison in the first place. We should continue our call journalist to release them unconditionally, and continue to expose the government misdeed and repression in all fronts.

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Ethiopia keeps ‘not free’ position in Freedom House latest report

• A significant number of service interruptions in the name of routine maintenance and system updates resulted in worsening service across the country. Internet services on 3G mobile internet networks were reportedly unavailable for more than a month in July and August 2014 (see Restrictions on Connectivity).
• A growing number of critical news and opposition websites were blocked in the lead up to the May 2015 elections (see Blocking and Filtering).
• Six bloggers of the prominent Zone 9 blogging collective arrested in April 2014 were officially charged with terrorism in July 2014; two of the bloggers were unexpectedly released and acquitted in July 2015, joined by the four others in October (see Prosecutions and Arrests).
• A university political science teacher known for his Facebook activism and another blogger were arrested and charged with terrorism in July 2014, among three others (see Prosecutions and Arrests).
• Online journalists in the Ethiopian diaspora were attacked with Hacking Team’s sophisticated surveillance malware (see Technical Attacks).

 

Introduction: 

Ethiopia, the second most populated country in sub-Saharan Africa, has one of the lowest rates of internet and mobile phone connectivity in the world. Telecommunication services, in general, and the internet, in particular, are among the most unaffordable commodities for the majority of Ethiopians, as poor telecom infrastructure, the government’s monopoly over the information and communication technologies (ICTs) sector, and obstructive telecom policies have significantly hindered the growth of ICTs in the country, making the cost of access prohibitively expensive.

Despite the country’s extremely poor telecommunications services and a largely disconnected population, Ethiopia is also known as one of the first African countries to censor the internet, beginning in 2006 with opposition blogs. Since then, internet censorship has become pervasive and systematic through the use of highly sophisticated tools that block and filter internet content and monitor user activity. The majority of blocked websites feature critical news and opposition viewpoints run by individuals and organizations based in the diaspora. In the lead up to the May 2015 general elections, a growing number of critical news and opposition websites were blocked, while select tools, such as Storify and a popular URL shortening tool Bitly, remained blocked throughout the year. The government also employs commentators and trolls to proactively manipulate the online news and information landscape, and surveillance of mobile phone and internet networks is systematic and widespread.

In 2014–15, the Ethiopian authorities increased their crackdown on bloggers and online journalists, using the country’s harsh laws to prosecute individuals for their online activities and quash critical voices. The Zone 9 bloggers arrested in April 2014 were charged with terrorism in July 2014 and subsequently subjected to a series of sham trials through mid-2015. In July 2015, two of the imprisoned Zone 9 bloggers were unexpectedly released and acquitted of all charges, which observers attributed to U.S. President Barack Obama’s official visit to the country later that month. The four remaining Zone 9 bloggers were acquitted in October. Nevertheless, five other critical voices and bloggers who were arrested in July 2014 and charged with terrorism remain in prison. During the numerous Zone 9 trials throughout 2014–2015, several supporters were temporarily arrested for posting updates and pictures of their trials on social media via mobile devices.

Obstacles to Access:

A significant number of service interruptions in the name of routine maintenance and system updates resulted in worsening service across the country. Internet services on 3G mobile internet networks were reportedly unavailable for more than a month in July and August 2014.

Availability and Ease of Access

In 2015, access to ICTs in Ethiopia remained extremely limited, hampered by slow speeds and the state’s tight grip on the telecom sector. According to the International Telecommunications Union (ITU), internet penetration stood at a mere 3 percent in 2014, up from just 2 percent in 2013. Only 0.5 percent of the population had access to fixed-broadband connections, increasing from 0.25 percent in 2013. Ethiopians had more access to mobile phone services, with mobile phone penetration rates increasing from 27 percent in 2013 to 32 percent in 2014, though such access rates still lag behind an estimated regional average of 74 percent, and cell phone ownership is much more common in urban areas than rural areas. Meanwhile, less than 5 percent of the population has a mobile-broadband subscription as of the latest available data from 2013. In March 2015, Ethiopia’s single telecoms provider, the state-owned EthioTelecom, announced it had launched 4GLTE mobile technology in the capital Addis Ababa, but the service is reportedly only available to a mere 400,000 subscribers.  Radio remains the principal mass medium through which most Ethiopians stay informed.

While access to the internet via mobile phones increased slightly in the past year, prohibitively expensive mobile data packages still posed a significant financial obstacle for the majority of the population in Ethiopia, where per capita income stood at US$470 as of the latest available data from 2013. Ethiopia’s telecom market is highly undeveloped due to monopolistic control, providing customers with few options at arbitrary prices, which are set by the state-controlled EthioTelecom and kept artificially high. As of mid-2015, monthly packages cost between ETB 200 and 3,000 (US$10 to $150) for 1 to 30 GB of 3G mobile services.

The combined cost of purchasing a computer, setting up an internet connection, and paying usage charges makes internet access beyond the reach of most Ethiopians. Consequently, only 2 percent of Ethiopian households have fixed-line internet access in their homes. While access via mobile internet is increasing, the majority of internet users still rely on cybercafes to log online. A typical internet user in Addis Ababa pays between ETB 5 and 7 (US$0.25 to $0.35) for an hour of access. Because of the scarcity of internet cafes outside urban areas, however, rates in rural cybercafes are more expensive.

For the few Ethiopians who can access the internet, connection speeds are known to be painstakingly slow and have not improved in years, despite rapid improvements everywhere else around the world.  Logging into an email account and opening a single message can still take as long as six minutes at a standard cybercafe with broadband in the capital city—the same rate reported over the past few years—while attaching documents or images to an email can take as long as eight minutes or more. According to May 2015 data from Akamai’s “State of the Internet” report, Ethiopia has an average connection speed of 1.8 Mbps (compared to a global average of 3.9 Mbps).

Despite reports of massive investments from Chinese telecom companies in recent years, Ethiopia’s telecommunications infrastructure is among the least developed in Africa and is almost entirely absent from rural areas, where about 85 percent of the population resides. There are only a few signal stations across the country, resulting in frequent network congestions and disconnections, even on state controlled media. Consequently, many people often use their cell phones as music players or cameras. In a typical small town of Ethiopia, individuals often hike to the top of their nearest hills to access a signal for a mobile phone call. Frequent electricity outages also contribute to poor telecom services. [Read the full report…]

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Ethiopia 'targets' Oromo ethnic group, says Amnesty

Ethiopia has "ruthlessly targeted" its largest ethnic group for suspected links to a rebel group, human rights group Amnesty International says.

Thousands of Oromo people had been subjected to unlawful killings, torture and enforced disappearance, it said.

Dozens had also been killed in a "relentless crackdown on real or imagined dissent", Amnesty added.
Ethiopia's government denied the allegations and accused Amnesty of trying to tarnish its image.
It has designated the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), which says it is fighting for the rights of the Oromo people, a terrorist organisation.

'Missing fingers'

At least 5,000 Oromos have been arrested since 2011 "based on their actual or suspected peaceful opposition to the government", Amnesty said in a report entitled Because I am Oromo - Sweeping repression in the Oromia region of Ethiopia.

Former detainees who had fled the country described torture, "including beatings, electric shocks, mock execution, burning with heated metal or molten plastic and rape, including gang rape", it added.
Amnesty said other cases of torture it had recorded included:

• A young girl having hot coals poured on her stomach while being held in a military camp because her father was suspected of supporting the OLF
• A teacher being stabbed in the eye with a bayonet while in detention because he had refused to teach propaganda about the ruling party to his students
• A student being tied in contorted positions and suspended from the wall by one wrist because a business plan he had prepared for a university competition was seen to be political

It compiled the report after testimonies from 200 people who were exiled in countries like Kenya and Uganda, Amnesty said.
"We interviewed former detainees with missing fingers, ears and teeth, damaged eyes and scars on every part of their body due to beating, burning and stabbing - all of which they said were the result of torture," said Claire Beston, Amnesty Ethiopia researcher.

Ethiopian government spokesman Redwan Hussein dismissed Amnesty's report.
"It [Amnesty] has been hell-bent on tarnishing Ethiopia's image again and again," he told AFP news agency.
Ethiopia is ruled by a coalition of ethnic groups. However, the OLF says the government is dominated by the minority Tigray group and it wants self-determination for the Oromo people.

Source. BBC

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The Zone 9 Bloggers are Free: but Ethiopia Still Thinks Digital Security is Terrorism

The last of the Zone 9 Bloggers are finally free from jail, after nearly 18 months of detention for simply speaking out online. All the bloggers were acquitted of terrorism charges by the Ethiopian courts; one blogger, Befeqadu Hailu was found guilty of a single charge of “inciting violence” as a result of a confession made during his detention. He was released on bail last Wednesday. Given the time he has already served, he is unlikely to return to jail.


The victory of the bloggers over these baseless accusations of terrorism is a relief to everyone concerned: their friends, family, and their extended network of supporters around the world. However, it will not undo the months each of them unjustly spent in jail, in often horrendous conditions, isolated from their family and friends.

While Zone 9 bloggers are free, the Ethiopian government’s continues to threaten and incarcerate journalists and online speakers. According the Committee to Protect Journalists, 57 media professionals have fled Ethiopia in the last five years. All of Ethiopia’s commercial free press has been shuttered. Online, exiled media, and local citizen journalists have taken up some of its responsibilities but at great personal risk. Exiles are harassed and spied on, as our ongoing case Kidane v. Ethiopia demonstrates. Domestic writers continue to be accused of terrorism and thrown in jail for their work, including the journalist Eskinder Nega who on Friday spent his 15000th day in prison, four years into an 18 year jail sentence.

Diplomatic pressure from Ethiopia’s allies, including the United States, played its part in the Zone 9 case. But these campaigns are reactive, and can only help speakers who are well-known outside the country. What broader commitment could Ethiopia’s allies and business partners advocate for in Ethiopia, that could concretely make a difference to free expression in that country?
In the Zone 9 case, the heart of the prosecution revolved around Ethiopia’s Anti-Terrorism Proclamation of 2009. This law presents the harshest of penalties (each blogger faced up to ten years imprisonment) for the vaguest of offenses.

Ethiopia’s allies could certainly pressure the Desalegn regime to roll back the law. Unfortunately, the political cove—indeed the very mode—for the Anti-Terrorism Declaration comes from the domestic policies of those same countries. Teddy Workneh, a fellow at the University of Oregon, observes that Ethiopa’s anti-terrorism laws, which include broad definitions of terrorist support and weak protections against pervasive surveillance, borrow their structure from other post-911 laws in Europe and the Americas. That means that without legal reform of their own anti-terrorism legislation at home, countries like the United States can only weakly urge Ethiopia to “to refrain from using its Anti-Terrorism Proclamation as a mechanism to curb the free exchange of ideas,” rather than reject it outright.

There is, however, one step that every country critical of Ethiopia’s treatment of Internet users and journalists could take. Prosecutors in the Zone 9 case used the bloggers’ possession of digital security manuals, including guides to using encryption to protect communications, as evidence that they were involved in terrorist activities. International government organizations like the United Nations, the OSCE, as well as the U.S. State department have all stated that encryption and secure communications are vital to free expression, or offered or funded digital security trainings to journalists.

Foreign governments that support these initiatives need to make it clear to allies like Ethiopia that the use of encryption and efforts to improve the security of one’s communications are not indicators of terrorist intent, but part and parcel of the modern journalist’s (or blogger’s) toolkit.

They could begin now by raising this matter in another case now passing through the Ethiopian courts: that of Zelalem Workagegne, Yonatan Wolde, Abraham Solomon, and Bahiru Degu. According to their colleagues, these Ethiopians are being detained on terrorism charges primarily because of an invitation they received to take part in a digital security training session outside of Ethiopia.

Ethiopian prosecutors are trying to turn the responsible practices of any journalist, blogger or concerned Internet user into evidence of terrorism. The international community needs to step forward and make clear that this case, and others like it, are as unacceptable as any other attack on the Ethiopian media. The Zone 9 Bloggers are free, but no more Ethiopians should face the ridiculous accusations simply for caring to protect their own online communications.

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ፍርድ ቤቱ በአቶ አንዳርጋቸው ጉዳይ ለሶስት አካላት ትዕዛዝ እንዲሰጥ ተጠየቀ

በነገረ ኢትዮጵያ ሪፖርተር

በእነ ዘመነ ካሴ የክስ መዝገብ ከ2ኛ -5ኛ መዝገብ ለተከሰሱት አቶ አሸናፊ አካሉ (2ኛ ተከሳሽ)፣ አቶ ደናሁን ቤዛ (3ኛ ተከሳሽ)፣ አቶ ምንዳዬ ጥላሁን (4ኛ ተከሳሽ) እና አቶ አንሙት የኔዋስ (5ኛ ተከሳሽ) በመከላከያ ምስክርነት ተጠቅሰው በነበሩት አቶ አንዳርጋቸው ፅጌ ጉዳይ የልደታ ፍርድ ቤት 19ኛው ወንጀል ችሎት ለሶስት አካላት ትዕዛዝ እንዲሰጥ ተጠየቀ፡፡ የቃሊቲ ማረሚያ ቤት ጥቅምት 12/2008 ዓ.ም አቶ አንዳርጋቸው እሱ ጋር እንደሌሉ ለፌደራል ከፍተኛ ፍርድ ቤት ልደታ ምድብ 19ኛው ወንጀል ችሎት በላከው ደብዳቤ መግለፁ ይታወሳል፡፡

ከ6ኛ-9ኛ ያሉት ተከሳሾች ማረሚያ ቤቱ በፈጠረው ችግር የአቶ አንዳርጋቸውን ምስክርነት ለመስማት የፍርድ ሂደታቸው እየተጓተተባቸው በመሆኑ የአቶ አንዳርጋቸው ምስክርነት ቀርቶ ብይን እንዲሰጥላቸው ሲጠይቁ 4ኛ ተከሳሽ አቶ ምንዳዬ ጥላሁን ‹‹ከአንዳርጋቸው ጋር ተገናኝተህ መመሪያ ተቀብለሃል ስለተባልኩ አቶ አንዳርጋቸው መጥቶ መመስከር አለበት›› ሲል አሁንም አቶ አንዳርጋቸው እንዲቀርቡለት ጥያቄውን አቅርቦ ነበር፡፡ ከአቶ ምንዳዬ ጥላሁን በተጨማሪ 3ኛ ተከሳሽ አቶ ደናሁን ቤዛም አቶ አንዳርጋቸው ፅጌ እንዲመሰክሩለት በመፈለጉ፤ እና ፍርድ ቤቱም አቶ አንዳርጋቸው ይገኙበታል ተብሎ ለታሰበው ተቋም ትዕዛዝ ለመስጠት እንዲመቸው ተከሳሾቹ እንዲጠቁሙት በገለፀው መሰረት ተከሳሾቹ ፍርድ ቤቱ ለሶስት ተቋማት ትዕዛዝ እንዲሰጥላቸው በደብዳቤ ጠይቀዋል፡፡

ሁለቱ ተከሳሾች ጥቅምት 15/2008 ዓ.ም ለፌደራል ፍርድ ቤት ልደታ ምድብ 19ኛ ወንጀል ችሎት በፃፉት ደብዳቤ የፀረ ሽብር ግብረ ኃይል አቶ አንዳርጋቸው ፅጌን መያዙን በኢትዮጵያ ብሮድካስቲንክ ኮርፖሬት መግለጫ መስጠቱን፣ ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር ኃይለማሪያም ደሳለኝ መስከረም ወር 2007 ዓ.ም የአቶ አንዳርጋቸው ፅጌን መያዝ፣ የእድሜ ልክና የሞት ፍርደኛ መሆናቸውን በመግለፅ የኢትዮጵያ መንግስት ፍርዱን ተፈፃሚ እንደሚያደርግ መግለፃቸውን አስታውሰዋል፡፡ በተጨማሪም በኢትዮጵያ የእንግሊዝ ኤምባሲ አቶ አንዳርጋቸው ዜግነታቸው እንግሊዛዊ የሆሉትን አቶ አንዳጋቸው ጉዳይ ላይ ክትትል እንደሚያደርግ በደብዳቤው አስታወስዋል፡፡

በመሆኑም ከእነዚህ ሶስት አካላት በላይ አንዳርጋቸው ፅጌ ስላሉበት ቦታ የሚያውቅ ስለሌለ ለሶስቱም አካላት አቶ አንዳርጋቸው የት እንዳሉ እንዲገልፁና አቶ አንዳርጋቸውም ምስክር እንዲሆኑላቸው ፍርድ ቤቱ ትዕዛዝ እንዲሰጥ ጠይቀዋል፡፡

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Ethiopia’s Zone9 Bloggers Says “Thank You!”

Thank you!

Our release was as surprising as our detention. Five of us were released as the charges were ‘withdrawn’ in July. While four of us were released because we were acquitted (save the appeal against our acquittal). Still one of our member, Befeqadu, was released on bail and he is yet to defend himself later this year in December. Even though we were released in different circumstances; one thing makes all of us similar – our strong belief that we didn’t deserve even a single day of arrest. Yes, it is good to be released, but we were arrested undeservedly. All we did was writing and striving for the rule of law because we want to see the improvement of our country and the lives of its citizens. However, writing and dreaming for the better of our nation got us detained, harassed, tortured and exiled. Undeservedly.

It makes us happy when we hear people are inspired by our story. But it also makes us sad when we learn people are scared to write because they have seen what we have gone through for our writings. Our incarceration makes us experience happiness and grief at the same time. The bottom line is it is good to know we have inspired people while it is saddening that we have learnt the fact that people have left the public discourse as a result of our detention. Yes, it is sad to know the fact that our detention has a chilling effect on public discourse.

Our incarceration made us feel our lives pass by us. It is true we have missed and lost things. But, we also have increased our learning curve. We have learnt a lot. Our detention tells a broader story of our country. We were able to witness the price of Freedom of Expression is dearly expensive. We are firsthand witnesses of injustice. More than anything we have learnt the fact that a nation which is rampant with injustice is the foremost enemy of its law abiding citizens.

We are victims of institutionalized misconducts. But, it is not beyond our forgiveness. Our incarcerators who gave us those ordeals, even if you are not asking us for our forgiveness, here we are. Please forgive us for we are law abiding citizens who refuse to live in your terms.

For all people who were with us both in good times and in bad times, those of you who stood by us not only in our successes but also in our failures, YOU are awesome! You are our friends, you are our family you were our lawyers, you campaigned for us, and you defended our cause. Thank you! Media organizations, rights groups and the entire community who showed solidarity and concerns for our cause. Thank you! You all deserve our heartfelt gratitude for you have reduced the lengthy prison time and eased the boredom of imprisonment.

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5 ብሔር ተኮር ነፃ አውጪ ግምባሮች በጋራ የነፃነት እና የዴሞክራሲ ንቅናቄ መሠረቱ

በኦስሎ ኖርዌይ ከኦክቶበር 22 እስከ ኦክቶበር 23, 2015 ዓ.ም በተደረገ የጋራ ጉባኤ 5 የኢትዮጵያ የብሄር ድርጅቶች በጋራ ለመታገል አዲስ ንቅናቄ መመስረታቸውን ለዘ-ሐበሻ በላኩት መግለጫ አስታወቁ::

ጥምረቱን የመሰረቱት የቤኒሻንጉል ነፃ አውጪ ንቅናቄ; የጋምቤላ ነፃ አውጪ ንቅናቄ; የኦጋዴን ነፃ አውጪ ግምባር; የኦሮሞ ነፃነት ግምባርና የሲዳማ ብሔራዊ ነፃነት ግምባር ሲሆኑ የኢትዮጵያ ያለውን ስርዓት በጋራ ጥለው የሁሉንም ብሄሮች የራስን ዕድል በራስ የመወሰን መብት የሚያከብርና የአንድን ቡድን የበላይነት እንዲያበቃ የሚያደርግ ስርዓት ለመፍጠር እንደሚታገሉ በመስራች ጉባኤያቸው መጨረሻ ላይ ባወጡት መግለጫ አስታውቀዋል::

ሃገሪቱን ወደ ተሻለ የፖለቲካ ሽግግር ቀርጸው ለመንቀሳቀስ የተሰማሙት እነዚሁ 5 ድርጅቶች የአዲሱ ጥምረታቸው መጠሪያ የሕዝቦች ጥምረት ለነፃነትና ለዴሞክራሲ (Peoples Alliance for Freedom and Democracy (PAFD) ተብሎ ተሰይሟል::

(በእንግሊዘኛ ቋንቋ የተሰጠውን መግለጫውን ለማንብብ እዚህ ይጫኑ)

አርበኞች ግንቦት በቅርቡ ከአማራው ንቅናቋ; ከአፋር ንቅናቄና ከትግራይ ሕዝብ ዴሞክራሲያዊ ንቅናቄ ጋር በጋራ ለመታገል ጥምረት መፍጠሩ ይታወሳል:: ትናንት በኖርዌይ ጥምረታቸውን ያወጁት የቤኒሻንጉል ነፃ አውጪ ንቅናቄ; የጋምቤላ ነፃ አውጪ ንቅናቄ; የኦጋዴን ነፃ አውጪ ግምባር; የኦሮሞ ነፃነት ግምባርና የሲዳማ ብሔራዊ ነፃነት ግምባር ከአርበኞች ግንቦት 7 ጋር ወደፊት ስለሚፈጥሩት የጋራ ጥምረት ወይም ግንኙነት ይኑራቸው አይኑራቸው የተገለጸ ነገር ባይኖርም በቅርቡ ወደ ሚኒሶታ የመጡት የንቅናቄው የውጭ ጉዳይ ኃላፊ አቶ ነአምን ዘለቀ “ኢትዮጵያ የምትባል ሃገር እንዳለች እስካመኑ ድረስ ከሁሉም ጋር በጋራ ለመስራት እንችላለን::” ማለታቸው አይዘነጋም::

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