Tuesday, 25 March 2014

በወላይታ የተፈፀመው መንግስታዊ ውንብድና የስርአቱን ዝቅጠት የሚያሳይ ነው!! ከአንድነት ለዴሞክራሲና ለፍትሕ ፓርቲ (አንድነት) የተሠጠ መግለጫ

በአገራችን ኢትዮጵያ ሁሉም መብቶች ያለምንም ገደብ የሚከበሩበትን ዴሞክራሲያዊ ሥርዓት ለመገንባት ላለፉት ዓመታት በርካታ መስዋዕትነቶች ተከፍለዋል፡፡ ዜጎች የመደራጀትና ሀሳባቸውን የመግለጽ ህገ-መንግሥታዊ መብት እንዳላቸው ጧት ማታ በመንግሥት ብዙሀን መገናኛዎች ቢለፈፍም፤ ሁሉም ነገር የይምሰልና የስልጣን እድሜ ማራዘሚያ ስልት እንደሆነ ለኢትዮጵያ ሕዝብ ግልፅ ነው፡፡
ከሕግ በላይ የሆነ አገዛዝ ባለበት አገር በየስፍራውና በየክልሉ የሚገኙ ካድሬዎችና የስርዓቱ ባለሟሎች እራሳቸውን ከህግ በላይ አድርገው ቢቆጥሩ የሚገርም አይደለም፡፡ በዚሁም ምክንያት በገዢው ፓርቲ ተቋማት፣ ኃላፊዎችና ባለስልጣናት የሚፈፀመው ኢ-ሰብአዊና ኢ-ዴሞክራሲያዊ ድርጊቶች እጅግ እየከፋ መጥቷል፡፡
ባሳለፍነው ሳምንት በፓርቲያችን በአንድነት የተሰጣቸውን የተለያዩ ተልዕኮዎችን ለለማስፈፀም ወደ ደቡብ ክልል በተንቀሳቀሱት የአንድነት ፓርቲ የድርጅት ጉዳይ ኃላፊ አቶ ዳንኤል ተፈራና ም/ኃላፊው አቶ ዳንኤል ሽበሺ ላይ እና ከ32 በሚበልጡ የወላይታ ዞን አመራሮች ላይ መጋቢት 13 ቀን 2ዐዐ6 ዓ.ም መንግስታዊ ውንብድና ተፈፅሞባቸዋል፡፡ በወላይታ ዞን ፖሊስ አዛዥ ሻለቃ ላሊሼ ኦሌ የሚመሩና የደህንነት ሰዎችን ጨምሮ ከ8-1ዐ የሚሆኑ መንግስታዊ ወሮበሎች የአንድነት ፓርቲ የወላይታ ዞን ምክር ቤት አባላት የተሰበሰቡበትን ግቢ በሀይል ሰብረው በመግባት የፓርቲ ሰነዶችን፣ ሁለት ሳምሰንግ ጋላክሲ ስልኮችን ጨምር በድምሩ ከ2ዐ የሚበልጡ የሞባይል ስልኮችን ዘርፈው ሄደዋል፡፡
ወሮበሎቹ ታርጋ የሌላቸው ሞተር ሳይክሎችን በመጠቀም አመራሮቻችንን ወደ ፖሊስ ጣቢያ አስገድደው ወስደዋል፡፡ ከፓርቲያችን አመራሮቻችን የተነጠቁ ስልኮች በዞኑ ፖሊስ አዛዥ ቢሮ ውስጥ ፈሳሽ ውስጥ በመጨመር ከጥቅም ውጭ በማድረግ ሁለቱ ከፍተኛ አመራሮችና የዞኑን ም/ቤት አመራሮች ምንም ዓይነት ግንኙነት እንዳይኖራቸው አድርገዋል፡፡ አመራሮቹን አፀያፊ በሆነ ማጎሪያ ውስጥ ከቀኑ 5፡00 ሰዓት እስከ ሌሊቱ 6፡30 አስረው ማደሪያ ሊያገኙ በማይችሉበት ሰዓት ለቀዋዋቸዋል፡፡ ይህ አይነቱ ከመንግስታዊ አካል የማይጠበቅ ውንብድና በሚሊዮኖች ድምጽ የመጀመሪያው እንቅስቃሴ ወቅት ሐምሌ 5 ቀን 2ዐዐ5 ዓ.ም በዚሁ ዞን ተፈፅሞ እንደነበር አይዘነጋም፡፡ በወቅቱ የጠራነውን ሕዝባዊ ስብሰባ ለማደናቀፍ ታርጋ የሌላቸውን ሞተር ሳይክሎች በመጠቀም በቅስቀሳ ላይ የነበሩ አባላትን በመደብደብና በመዝረፍ እንዲሁም የተከራየነውን አዳራሽ ጥበቃዎች ዘግተው እንዲሄዱ ከመደረጉም ባሻገር ከግለሰብ የተከራየነውን ሞንታርቮ ዘርፈው እስከ ዛሬም አልመለሱም፡፡
ምንም እንኳ የአንድነት ከፍተኛ አመራርና አባላት ለዴሞክራሲያዊ ሥርዓት መስፈን በሚካሄደው ትግል ውስጥ መንገላታት፣ መደብደብ፣ መታሰርና ሞትም ካለ አይናቸውን ሳይጨፍኑ አፍጠው ለመቀበል ዝግጁ ቢሆኑም ይህን አሳፋሪ ድርጊት በቸልታ የማንመለከተውና አስፈላጊውን ነገሮች አጣርተን ተገቢውን ፖለቲካዊና ሕጋዊ እርምጃ የምንወስድበት ጉዳይ መሆኑን መግለጽ እንወዳለን፡፡
ሕገ መንግሥቱ ላይ የሠፈረውን የመደራጀት መብትና እና በተሻሻለው በፖለቲካ ፓርቲዎች ምዝገባ አዋጅ ቁጥር 573/2ዐዐዐ አንቀጽ 46 ንዑስ አንቀጽ‹2› የፖለቲካ ፓርቲዎች የዕለት ከዕለት ተግባሮችን ስር ፤ የሕዝቡን ፖለቲካዊ ግንዛቤ ማዳበር፣ የፓርቲውን ዓላማ ለሕዝቡ ማስረጽ፤ ዜጎች በአገሪቱ የፖለቲካ እንቅስቃሴ ውስጥ ንቁ ተሳትፎ እንዲኖራቸው መቀስቀስ፣ በሕዝቡና በመንግሥት ተቋማት መካከል ግንኙነት እንዲጠናከር ማድረግ የሚሉ ግልጽ ድንጋጌዎች ሰፍረዋል፡፡ በአንፃሩ የፖለቲካ ፓርቲዎች ከገዛ አባሎቻቸው ጋር በማንኛውም ጊዜ መሰብሰብ እንደሚችሉ እየታወቀ በመንግስትና በገዢው ፓርቲ የሚፈፀሙ ሕገ ወጥ ተግባሮች በየእለቱ ተጠናክረው ቀጥለዋል፡፡ ሕግ ማክበርም ማስከበርም ያልቻለው ኢህአዴግ ሠላማዊ ትግሉን የሚደፈጥጡ ድርጊቶች ፈፃሚና አስፈፃሚ ካድሬዎች እና ሕገ አስከባሪ የተባለው የወላይታ ዞን ፖሊስ አዛዥ አይነት ግለሰቦችን በማበረታታት ሕጋዊና ሠላማዊ ትግሉን ወደ ጠርዝ እየገፋ ይገኛል፡፡
በዚህ አጋጣሚ ለፓርቲያችን ከፍተኛ አመራሮችና ለወላይታ ዞን የወረዳ አመራሮችና አባላት ያለንን ክብር እየገለፅን፣ በወላይታ ሶዶ በአንድነት ፓርቲ ከፍተኛ አመራሮችና የፓርቲያችን የዞኑ ምክር ቤት አባላት ላይ የተፈፀመው መንግስታዊ ውንብድና ስርአቱ የወረደበትን የዝቅጠት ደረጃ አመላካች እንደሆነ ለማስገንዘብ እንወዳለን፡፡
ድል የሕዝብ ነው!
መጋቢት 16 ቀን 2ዐዐ6 ዓም
አዲስ አበባUDJ-SEAL

የአንድነት ፓርቲ ጽ/ቤት በተፈናቃዩች ተጥለቀለቀ:: – አንድነት

ተፈናቃዩቹ ከጎንደር አካባቢ ተነስተው ከዛሬ 20 ዓመት በፊት ወደ ምዕራብ ሸዋ ዞን አምቦ ዳኖ ወረዳ በመውረድ በእርሻ ስራ የተሰማሩ ገበሬዎች ናቸው፡፡ከ1996ዓ.ም ጀምሮ በተለያየ ደረጃ ‹‹ክልላችንን ለቅቃችሁ ውጡ››ሲባሉ ቆይተዋል፡፡
ከቅርብ ጊዜ ወዲህ ማስፈራሪያው ወደ ግድያ፣ድብደባና ወከባ በማደጉ ለአቤቱታ አካባቢያቸውን ጥለው አዲስ አበባ ለመግባት ተገደዋል፡፡ ከተፈናቃዩቹ መካከል የተወሰኑት ወደ ፌዴሬሽን ምክር ቤት አፈ ጉባኤ አቶ ካሳ ተ/ብርሃን ጽ/ቤት በማምራት አፈ ጉባኤውን ለማናገር ቢሞክሩም ሊያገኟቸው አልቻሉም፡፡የአፈ ጉባኤው ጸሐፊ ጉዳያችሁ ታይቷል ወደ መጣችሁበት ተመለሱ››ያለቻቸው ቢሆንም ተፈናቃዩቹ ‹‹ብንመለስ ሊገድሉን ስለሚችሉ አንመለስም››የሚል አቋም ይዘዋል፡፡
ከ26 የሚልቁ ሰዎች በአደባባይ ድብደባ ደርሶባቸው እጅና እግራቸው እንደተሰበረ የሚናገሩት ተፈናቃዩቹ‹‹አቶ ጌጡ ክብረት የተባለ ግለሰብ በገበያ ቦታ በገጀራ ተቆራርጦ ህይወቱ ማለፉን በሀዘን ስሜት ተውጠው ይናገራሉ፡፡ በአዲስ አበባ ማረፊያ ባለማግኘታቸው ለችግር መጋለጣቸውን የሚገልጹት ተፈናቃዩቹ ወደ አንድነት ለዴሞክራሲና ለፍትህ ጽ/ቤት በመምጣት ‹‹ፍትህ እንድናገኝ ለኢትዩጵያ ህዝብ ሰቆቃችንን አሰሙልን››በማለት ተማጽነዋል፡፡
የአንድነት ፓርቲ ዋና ጸሐፊ አቶ ስዩም መንገሻ ‹‹ህገ መንግስቱ በግልጽ እያንዳንዱ ዜጋ በፈለገው ክልል በመሄድ ንብረት ማፍራት እንደሚችል ቢደነግግም መሬት ላይ ያለው እውነታ ግን ህገ ወጥና አስቸጋሪ ነው››ብለዋል፡፡
1526292_10152342593559743_900241474_n

Monday, 24 March 2014

ከወላይታ ዞን የአንድነት ፓርቲ አመራሮች የእስርና እንግልት ማብራሪያ

የአንድነት ለዴሞክራሲና ለፍትህ ፓርቲ የድርጅት ጉዳይ ሃላፊ አቶ ዳንኤል ተፈራና ድርጅት ጉዳይ ም/ሃላፊ አቶ ዳንኤል ሺበሺ በደቡብ ቀጠና በወላይታ ዞንና በሲዳማ ዞን አዋሳ ከተማ ያሉ ከፍተኛ አመራሮች ጋር የፓርቲውን የትግል ስትራቴጅክ ዕቅዶች ላይ ማብራሪያ፣ ደንብና ፕሮግራም ለመስጠት እንዲሁም የስራ ጉብኝት ለማድረግ በ 12/07/06 ወደ ወላይታ ዞን ሶዶ ከተማ ተገኝተው ነበር፡፡ በ13/07/06 ደግሞ ከሶዶ ከተማ ስራ አስፈፃሚና ከወረዳ አመራር አባላት ጋር የፓርቲያችንን ደንብ፣ ፕሮግራምና ቀጣይ የስራ አቅጣጫ አስመልክቶ የተሰናዳው ውይይት ላይ ለመታደም ከ32 በላይ አመራሮችም ተገኝተው ነበር፡፡
ቅዳሜ በ 13/07/06 ዓ.ም ከአባላት ጋር ባለው ዕቅድ መሰረት የፓርቲያችንን ህጋዊ ሰነዶችን ለወረዳና ለዞን አመራሮች ለመስጠት፣ ቀጣዩን ሀገራቀፍ ምርጫ አስመልክቶ መረጃ ለመለዋወጥ ምርጫችን የነበረው የፓርቲያችን አባል የሆነውና ወጣ ብሎ ፀጥታ የሰፈነበት ግቢ ነበር፡፡ ይህንን ለማድረግ ህገ መንግስታዊ መብት ነበረን፡፡ የአንድነት ፓርቲ ከፍተኛ አመራሮች የፖለቲካ ደንብና ፕሮግራማቸውን ለዞንና ለወረዳ አመራሮች ለማስጨበጥ ፈቃድ እንደማያስፈልግ ጠንቅቀን እናውቅም ነበር፡፡
በተለይም ሃለማሪያም ደሳለኝ በሞግዚትነት ወደ ስልጣን ከመጡ በኋላ ወላይታ ሶዶ ነፃነት አልባ ከተማ እንደሆነች ለማረጋገጥ ችለናል፡፡ ወላይታ በካድሬ ተወጥራለች፡፡ ዝርዝሩን በቀጣይ እንደምናቀርብ ቃል እየገባን ለአሁን በእኛ ላይ የደረሰውን በቅንጭቡ እንደሚከተለው ለኢትዮጵያ ህዝብና ለታሪክ እናቀርባለን፡፡
1. 32 የሚሆኑ አንድነት ፓርቲ የወላይታ ዞን አመራሮች የተሰባሰቡት ከላይ በገለፅነው አላማና ህገ መንግስታዊ መብታችንን ተጠቅመን ቢሆንም ለውይይት ቅድመ ዝግጅት ስናደርግና ውይይቱን ለመጀመር ስንዘጋጅ መታወቂያ የሌላቸው ከ 8-10 የሚሆኑ ጡንቻቸው የፈረጠመ ግለሰቦች እንደ ኮማንዶ ለውይይት የተገናኝበትን የአባላችንን ጊቢ ሰብረው በመግባት የያዝናቸውን የፓርቲ ሰነዶች፣ ሳምሰንግ ጋላክሲ ስልኮችና ያገኙትን ሁሉ ዘርፈው ሂደዋል፤ አመራሮችን ደብድበዋል፡፡
victim1
2. እነዚሁ ደብዳቢዎች ታርጋ ቁጥር በሌላቸው ሞተሮች በመታጀብ ፖሊስ ይዘው በመምጣት ፕሮግራማችንን ለማደናቀፍ በሃይልና በጉልበት ወደ ፖሊስ ጣቢያ ወስደውናል፡፡
victim23. ፖሊስ ጣቢያውም እኛን የደበደቡንንና ንብረታችንን የቀሙንን ሲቢል ለባሽ ካድሬዎች በመልቀቅ የአንድነት ፓርቲ 20 አመራሮችን የወላይታ ሶዶ ከተማ ፖሊስ አዛዥ ሻለቃ ላሊሼ ኦሌ ቢሯቸው አስገብተው ችግሩን እንደሚቀርፍ አመራር ካነጋገሩንና ቃላችንን ከተቀበሉ በኋላ ሞባይሎቻችንን በመንጠቅ እንድንታሰር አድርገዋል፡፡

4. የእስሩ ሰዓት ከቀኑ 5፡00 ጀምሮ ነው፡፡ እንድ ቀፋፊና አስቀያሚ ማጎሪያ ውስጥ ካስቀመጡን በኋላ ከምሽቱ 2፡00 ላይ ህገወጥ ስብሰባ አድርጋችኋል በማለት ቃል ስጡ የሚል ምዝገባና ህገ ወጥ ስብሰባ እንዳደረግን እንድንመሰክር ለማስገደድ ቢሞክሩም እኛ መብታችንን እንደተጠቀምን እንጂ እነሱ እንደተረጎሙት ህገ ወጥ ስብሰባ እንዳላደረግን ሀቁን ስንነግራቸው እንዲሁም ሀሰትን ከመቀበል መታሰር እንደሚቻል የአንድነት አባላት ቁርጠኛ እንደሆንን ሲያውቁ ግራ ተጋብተው የበላይ አካል እስከሚያረጋግጥላቸው ጠብቀው ከእኩለ ለሊት በኋላ (ከምሽቱ 6፡30) በኋላ በእስር ላይ የቆዩ ከ20 በላይ ከፍተኛ አመራሮች እንዲወጡ ተደርጓል፡፡ ይሄ የሆነው ለመፍታት ታስቦ ሳይሆን ከወረዳ የመጡ አባላት ማደሪያ ቦታ እንዲያጡና ለአደጋ እንዲጋለጡ በማሰብ ነው፡፡
5. ስንታሰር ከተዘረፉ ሞባይሎች ውጭ በፖሊስ ጣቢያ አዛዡ ተይዞ የነበረው የታሳሪዎች ሞባይል ባልታወቀ ነገር ተነክሮ ከአገልግሎት ውጭ ተደርጓል፡፡ ሞባይላችን የተነከረውና ከጥቅም ውጭ የተደረገው በኬሚካል ይሁን በሌላ ነገር አልተረጋገጠም፡፡ የማንኛችንም ሞባይል ግን ከጥቅም ውጭ ሁኗል፡፡ ይሄ የሆነው የፖሊስ አዛዡ አቶ ላሊሼ ቢሮ የታሰረ ሞባይላችን ነው፡፡
ነገ ምን እንደሚገጥመን ማወቅ አይቻልም፡፡ ያረጋገጥነው ነገር ቢኖር ወላይታ ሶዶ ነፃነቷን የተነፈገች፣ በታርጋ አልባ ሞተሮች የምትታመስና ምንም ዋስትናና ህግ የሌለባት ከተማ መሆኗን ነው፡፡ ስለዚህ ነፃነት አልባዋ ወላይታ ነፃ መውጣት አለባት!!!
የአንድነት ፓርቲ የወላይታ ዞን አመራር አባላት ከምሽቱ 9፡00 ሠዓት (ሶዶ ከተማ)
ምንጭ: አቡጊዳ

In Ethiopia better citizens languish in prison By Jonas Clinton

As the most educated Ethiopian immigrants migrate to North America looking for economical opportunities, it has been suggested, and most will end up being stalwart of customer service jobs such as driving taxis and ultimately shutter an Ethiopian dream of being useful to their home countries. In Ethiopia, like in North America, where the most inspiring, patriotic and educated citizens are located is not in the important institutions of the country being part of the affairs of the country, but like in North America, in the wrong places, inside the brutal and deadly Kaliti prison. 
Early this month, a milestone was reached in Kaliti prison, one of Africa’s worst prisons, as one of its celebrated political prisoners, Reeymot Alemu, marked her 1000th day of being a political prisoner. The award winning journalist of the prestigious UNESCO/Guillermo Cano World Press Prize and the Hellman/Hammett Press Freedom Prize, Reeymot is fast becoming the face of Ethiopia and how wrong the country’s progress and priority has been.
The now 35 year old Alemu, was an English teacher and an occasional journalist when she was noticed by the Ethiopian government. She was one of Ethiopia’s eloquent voices in the then rare independent print media  –Feteh – and wrote on government shortcomings and policies. In a country that still views constructive criticism as treason; the paper she wrote for was closed down by government officials and most of its journalists fled the country.
Alemu stayed behind and in a bold and daring move, started her own monthly publication – Change – and focused on long investigative reporting.
As she became a noted voice, the Ethiopian government closed her new publication and charged the young journalist with treason under Ethiopia’s 2009 Anti-Terrorism Proclamation. The Anti-Terror Proclamation was, according to Amnesty International, is intended to “restrict freedom of expression, peaceful assembly and the right to fair trial with serious implications”.
She was tried and convicted in secret with no substantive evidence and was sent to prison for 14 years and a monetary fine of $1500 – a hefty fine in Ethiopia. The government wanted to use her as an example to surpass other journalists, much like the respected Eskender Nega, and have them endorse government propaganda’s instead.
Since her arrest, She has been denied due medical care, been confined to darkness and been denied basic necessities of life in anticipation of her sharing information on her former journalist colleagues. She has refused as her suffering has continued.
Ethiopia has continued to arrest and imprison journalists while embracing its reputation of being an oppressor of press freedom and dissent in Ethiopia. Alemu once reflected how she believes that she “must contribute something to bring a better future (to Ethiopia).”Since there are a lot of injustices and oppressions in Ethiopia, I must reveal and oppose them in my articles,” and that her “principles” is “to stand for the truth, whether it is risky or not.”
As Ethiopia refuses to acknowledge the brutal treatment of its better citizens such as Nega and Alemu and many other political prisoners – what is fast becoming is the reality that Ethiopia is still a broken system that rewards bad while punishes good as it transitions to a better country in name only.

EITI or Clare’s Corruption Club? by prof. alemayehu G. mariam

Clare Short Clare Short has won! Congratulations, Clare! Brava!
Last week, Clare Short, Chair of the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI), succeeded in bullying the EITI Board members into voting to admit the ruling regime in Ethiopia into her Club.  She did it the old-fashioned way— arm-twisting, browbeating, bulldozing, rear-end kicking, a little bit of jawboning and sweet-talkin’ and a whole lot of temper tantrum throwing. She had learned her lessons well. In 2003, when Short ripped into Tony Blair and threatened to resign her position as Secretary of State for International Development over the Anglo-American invasion of Iraq, she fulminated defiantly, “But they were going to war anyway and they were going to bully and pressure countries to vote for it.”
Clare, we knew “you were going to bully and pressure your Board members to vote and let the corrupt regime in Ethiopia into EITI anyway.” Brava! You have won. Take a victory lap. Raise the roof. You have vanquished the “human rights campaigners”, humiliated and mocked the civil society representatives on your Board in front of the whole world and chased those hapless and voiceless Diaspora Ethiopians right out of town. Now, it is time for you to go to Addis and celebrate. You’ve earned it. Let the champagne and cognac flow. You now own EITI. It’s your baby! While you’re at it, make it real. Give EITI a new name. How about Clare’s Corruption Club? Has a nice ring to it. “The Triple C.”
What is truly fascinating is the fact that Short’s philosophy (she calls it “principles”) of controlling corruption in the mining and extractive industries in the most corrupt countries of the world has prevailed. In batting to admit the regime in Ethiopia into the EITI, Short advanced a short-sighted theory of mining corruption control, which can be reduced to the following simple proposition: Admit the most corrupt regimes in the world into EITI by having them playing-acting transparency and accountability. Have them do a little shuffling and song and dance.  Insist that they make a public confession by babbling a few trendy phrases about transparency and good governance. Have them complete a make-believe application form with a lot of feel-good bureaucratic mumbo jambo. Demand that they publicly pledge allegiance to mining best practices. Then wine and dine them. In other words, dress up crooks, thugs and racketeers  in designer suits, parade them in public like respectable national leaders, groom them for three years and re-introduce them to the world as  anti-corruption warfighters in Clare Short’s Army. That’s the Clare Short Way of cleaning up the corrupt mining, mineral and oil sectors in Africa and elsewhere.
The decision to admit the regime in Ethiopia into EITI was a complete fraud done with smoke and mirrors. When the regime’s application was rejected in 2010, the reason given was that the

board concluded that Ethiopia’s ‘Proclamation on Charities and Society’ would prevent civil society groups from being sufficiently independent and meaningfully participate in the process.  The board decided, in effect, not to admit Ethiopia ‘until the Proclamation on Charities and Society is no longer in place.’ This is the only such instance in the history of EITI where a country has failed to be admitted and the grounds for this action was clearly rights-based. (Emphasis added.) 
Was the “Proclamation on Charities and Society” changed to justify admitting Ethiopia now? Of course not. What has changed for civil society in Ethiopia since 2010? As a direct result of the “Proclamation”, in 2010, “the number of civil society organizations in Ethiopia was reduced from about 4600 to about 1400 in a period of three months in early 2010.  Staff members were reduced by 90% or more among many of those organizations that survive.”  
In one fell swoop, within a span of three months, the “Proclamation” had wiped out 70 percent of the civil society organizations in Ethiopia. In February 2010, the regime froze the assets of Ethiopia’s Human Rights Council, Ethiopia’s oldest human rights organization, and the Ethiopian Women Lawyers Association, effectively incapacitating these two vital institutions; indeed for all intents and purposes outlawing them. 
After the Board rejected the regime’s application in 2010, one thing had changed for sure. In March 2011, Clare Short was elected chair of EITI. Short is a longtime cheerleader and champion of the ruling regime in Ethiopia and a groupie of the late Meles Zenawi. She worshipped Meles, and not necessarily in a figurative way. Perhaps she felt she had to avenge the honor of her comrades and avatar for the drubbing they got in 2010 at the hands of the civil society board representatives. After all, when the regime’s application was rejected, that was “the only instance in the history of EITI where a country has failed to be admitted” on “clearly rights-based grounds”. Short set out to get even and avenge the “dishonor” of Meles & Co., by humiliating before the entire world the civil society representatives on the EITI Board who were instrumental in defeating Meles' first application. Clare, the Avenger got even!
When Short launched her brazen lobbying campaign (I did not say bullying) on behalf of the regime in Ethiopia in her March 11 “Open Letter”, she hectored the civil society representatives on the EITI Board like juvenile delinquents. She also made a maddingly flabbergasting observation. “As I look around the EITI implementing countries, I do not accept that the situation for civil society in Ethiopia is worse than a great many of them,” bloviated Short.  What did she mean by that? Who are the members of EITI?
EITI now has some 40 plus members. A good many of the member countries are under the thumbs and boots of some of the most corrupt and brutal regimes in the world. Among them include  Afghanistan, Burkina Faso, Cameroon,  Central African Republic, Chad, Democratic Republic of Congo, Guinea, Kazakhstan, Liberia, Mali, Mauritania, Mozambique, Niger, Nigeria, Republic of the Congo, Senegal, Sierra Leone, Tajikistan and  Yemen. In her “no worse than a great many of them” parallelism, Short was actually declaring a manifest and undeniable truth: The regime in Ethiopia is no worse than or different from many of the current EITI members who engage in gross and massive abuses of human rights. They are all corrupt to the core; they have all crushed and decimated civil society institutions; and they are thugs and gangsters in designer suits sporting bridle leather briefcases. Her real message to her Board, human rights organizations and the Diaspora Ethiopians was simple. “Chill out y’all. Don’t get bent out of shape. Let’s put lipstick on the corrupt thugs and continue with business as usual. Can’t we just get along?”
I agreed with candidate Barack Obama when he said, “You can put lipstick on a pig; it’s still a pig. You can wrap an old fish in a piece of paper and call it change; it’s still going to stink.” EITI can dress up thugs in designer suits, put makeup on them and call them “transparent” and “accountable”, but they are still thugs. You can wrap corruption in EITI logo and call it clean, but it is still going to stink. EITI is the lipstick put on African thug regimes to make them look pretty and clean.
In a strange way, Short is actually quite right. Mea culpa! It is true that many of the African countries in EITI are run by a bunch of wolfish corrupt thug regimes. I actually theorized about them in my commentary, “Thugtatorship, the Highest State of African Dictatorship.” Short is right on the money. Why exclude the thug regime in Ethiopia from its rightful place at the EITI Grand Table of Corruption? It is not fair.
In an even stranger way, Short proves my point perfectly. EITI is indeed mining Corruption Club Central. It reminds me of Alibaba and the 40 Thieves. 
Strangest yet, I am grateful to Short for what she has done in her Open Letter fighting tooth and nail to get the regime in Ethiopia admitted into the EITI system. I admire her fighting spirit. Short is the type who will take down anybody to the mat if they stand in her way.
In bullying her Board to approve the regime’s application, she did us all a great service. She inadvertently exposed EITI for what it truly is, a protection and extortion racket. In organized crime enterprises, protection rackets  operate in situations where the police and judiciary are unable, unwilling or are incapable of  providing legal protection to the community. In exchange for a  “small protection fee”, the racketeers effectively maintain “law and order” for their clients and ensure that they are not bothered by other gangsters and hooligans.  
Many of the EITI member countries are incapable of controlling corruption through their own legal institutions. The vast majority of them are one-man, one-party jobs. Political institutions are corrupted to the core. They have rubberstamp parliaments. Their prosecutors are benighted goons and party hacks with make-believe law books under their armpits. The judiciary is in the back pockets of the regime leaders. The anti-corruption commissions are used as guided missiles to wipe out political opponents, including dissenters within the regimes. There is no rule of law, only the rule of ignorant thugs.
Comes now EITI ready to impose a new world order of morality and integrity on age-old mining corruption in Africa and elsewhere. Supposedly, that is what EITI has been doing for the past decade. Truth be told, EITI is actually a protection racket for all of the corrupt regimes in its Club. It serves as a safe harbor to corrupt thugs who rapaciously plunder and steal their national resources away from any prying eyes. All the corrupt regimes have to do to be born again and attain the kingdom of EITI is go through a rite of passage: 1) Sign up and recite the EITI catechism. 2) Get baptized and be anointed by the Priestess. 3) Perform a few acts of contrition in public. 4) Give indulgencies for all prior acts of corruption. 5) Wait in limbo for three years in preparation for beatification from corrupt to clean. 
It is a great scam for the thug regimes. They get to wear the EITI badge of (dis)honor and swagger about pontificating about how free they are from corruption. The EITI badge will give the corrupt thugs in Ethiopia bragging rights. They will flaunt their EITI good housekeeping seal of approval in the face of the international human rights organizations and the voiceless Diaspora Ethiopians. “In your face Human Rights Watch! In your face, Diaspora Ethiopians! We’re clean as a hound’s tooth, and we can prove it. Check out this cool badge!” They will continue to ply their mining corruption above suspicion, aboveground, aboveboard and above the law. EITI membership gives them the license and to steal, wheel and deal their natural resources to unsuspecting investors and the moral legitimacy to squeeze the loaners and donors for some mo’ extra cash.
EITI’s charade about its standards and criteria for admission is its omerta (code of silence) and its method of silencing not only its external critics but also internal dissenters. EITI shrouds itself in a whole litany of bureaucratic mumbo jambo about admissions criteria, accountability and transparency. Short dismissed all that as nice PR verbiage in her Open Letter when she wrote, “the entry bar to candidates should be clearly and simply whether there is enough space for civil society to work with EITI.” What about those high-falutin’ and pretentious official standards? Are they mere ritual songs and dances?
By any objective measure, the admission of the regime in Ethiopia into EITI shows that the EITI standards are hollow and vacuous. EITI proclaims that to join the Club, a “government is required to issue an unequivocal public statement of its intention to implement the EITI.” Big deal! A government “must appoint a senior individual to lead on the implementation of the EITI.” Sure, corrupt Tweedle Dee appoints corrupt Tweedle Dum to lead the implementation.  A government is “required to commit to work with civil society.” What civil society? Not a problem. Since the corrupt thugs have decimated all real civil societies in their countries, EITI gives them permission to invent their own. That is precisely what the regime in Ethiopia did when it invented out of whole cloth the “Ethiopian National Journalists Union”. What a joke! The Meles Zenawi Prison in Kality, just outside the capital city of Addis Ababa, warehouses all of the real journalists -- internationally celebrated ones and multiple recipients of the most coveted and prestigious press awards in the world -- including Eskinder Nega, Reyot Alemu and Woubshet Taye. Eskinder was sentenced to 18 years for criticizing the late Meles Zenawi and for commenting on the Arab Spring. Reeyot and Woubshet were handed 14 year sentences for expressing their views in their weekly magazines.
Expecting the “Ethiopian National Journalists Union” to press for real accountability and transparency in the mining sector is like expecting an accurate accounting of missing hens from the fox guarding the hen house. The basic idea in the EITI regime is to facilitate the publication of accurate and verifiable data on the mining, mineral and oil sectors under strict independent public oversight and scrutiny with direct public engagement. The ultimate aim is to make sure “Revenues generated from the extraction of natural resources are available for the public to see.”
When it comes to data, the regime in Ethiopia is notorious for cooking the books. As I demonstrated in my commentaries “The Voodoo Economics of Meles Zenawi” and “The Fakeonomics of Meles Zenawi”, the Meles regime had been cooking the economic statistics to falsely claim that under his leadership Ethiopia achieved “double-digit economic growth” for a full decade. What is fascinatingly instructive is the fact that Meles cleverly fed his bogus economic growth data to the World Bank (WB)  and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) so that they can blow his trumpet. Even though they knew better, the WB and IMF were willing accomplices in the perpetuation of one of the greatest and boldest economic canards in recent times.
I shall argue that the regime in Ethiopia will pull the same tricks and hide behind EITI’s skirt to report all kinds of bogus statistics about mining production and revenues, while siphoning off hundreds of millions and depositing them in their personal offshore accounts. In due course, I expect to write a commentary entitled, the “The Voodoo Statistics of Mining Corruption in Ethiopia Through EITI”.
EITI aims to create the illusion of legitimacy, credibility, transparency and accountability through its lofty-sounding standards while in fact legitimizing and giving cover to corruption in the extractive industries in Africa and other developing countries. EITI is the “stealth technology” the corrupt regimes in Africa and elsewhere having been looking for so that they can cruise in plain view while ripping off the resources of their people without suspicion or detection. EITI is one of the slickest, sleaziest and slimiest con games to be played out on the world stage in a long time.
Demanding a double apology and insisting on one
In my last commentary, Mining Corruption in Ethiopia: A Reply to Clare Short, I suggested that Short should offer an apology to Diaspora Ethiopians for her monstrous fatwa demanding that they be shut out of the debate over Ethiopia’s  admission into EITI. She urged her Board to “listen to [the]...clear and united voice of civil society in Ethiopia, rather than opposing voices from the Ethiopian diaspora.” She effectively argued that the voice of Diaspora Ethiopians should be  silenced.
The  “clear and united voice of civil society of Ethiopia”, of course, is only a figment of Short’s unhinged imagination. There is neither clear, united nor even a voice of civil society in Ethiopia. The real civil society organizations have been muzzled, gagged and bagged years ago. But Short for some reason wants to perpetuate the myth that there is “civil society” in Ethiopia. Perhaps like her bosom buddy Meles Zemawi, she must love telling bedtime stories. I am actually cool with fairy tales. I also like Dr. Seuss. “One fish. Two fish. Red fish. Blue Fish.” One civil society organization. Two. Red civil society organization. Blue.
Really, I was somewhat wishful that Short may issue an apology to Diaspora Ethiopians out of a sense of magnanimity and noblesse oblige. Perhaps she might have said, “Sorry, I have been misunderstood and quoted out of context.” She does not actually have to mean it, just a nice PR exercise. Short does not have the generosity to apologize to the victims of her misguided wrath. She has a long reputation for being a bully bordering on “thuggy”, to use the contemporary parlance of youth. Short is known for being short-fused and short-tempered. Richard Dowden, the respected British Journalist, recounted his experiences with her in 2011. “I once interviewed her on a plane and when I pressed a point about human rights in Rwanda she threatened to have me thrown off. Since we were over Guinea at the time, I backed off. Now we meet in the genteel tranquility of London’s Commonwealth Club and she is calm and reflective – though still capable of taking a swipe at anyone who tries to tinker with her creation.” Short don’t play. She bullied Tony Blair into submission. (No wonder Blair confessed, I feel like an abused and bullied wife. It’s Short’s short way or the long highway! I have to give her credit though. She is a formidable apologist for the thugs in power in Ethiopia.
No need to apologize to Diaspora Ethiopians. But Short must apologize to Ali Idrissa, Faith Nwadishi and Jean-Claude Katende, the civil society representatives on her Board,  and the other members of Publish What You Pay. I insist on it! In her “Open Letter”, she unjustly lambasted the trio for being stooges of the international human rights organizations.  She accused them of being “unhelpfully influenced by strong voices from a special interest group with perfectly well-meaning intentions but who have too much of a ‘north telling the south what to do mindset’”. She hectored them for putting the fate of EITI in the balance by opposing the application of the regime in Ethiopia.
Idrissa, Nwadishi and Katende respectfully replied  to short’s Open Letter and told her she had jumped the gun. They said, “Ethiopia’s application to join EITI was not on our agenda at the regional PWYP meeting in Pointe Noire, although the issue did come up when we held our session on the enabling environment.” They explained that there were two views aired at Pointe Noire, one to admit the other to oppose. They challenged her “neutrality” stating, “You have openly taken a position in favour of admitting Ethiopia as an EITI candidate country, going against the principle of neutrality that should characterise your chairmanship. The trust from which you benefit as a chair is grounded in this essential principle.” They expressed puzzlement over her bizarre Open Letter.  “On this issue, we would like to note that we do not understand to what end the letter was made public when it was only addressed to a few people… We would also appreciate if our letter, like yours, would be published on the EITI website. In addition to that, it will be made available to our coalition members on the PWYP-International website.”
Short responded to Idrissa, Nwadishi and Katende, not directly, but through her secretary, Jonas Moberg.  It was her way of adding insult to injury. She had no problems writing Idrissa, Nwadishi and Katende in her Open Letter and hectoring and pleading with them before the whole world, but when they talked back, how dare they?! They needed to be put in their place. Moberg was the man given the dirty job. I personally felt deeply humiliated when I read the following:   

Clare has asked me to answer your letter. Your points are fully noted, except the so called neutrality of the chair. As I have mentioned to Jean-Claude, the chair does not need to be neutral. She should not act as a representative of any of our stakeholders, which is not the same as being neutral.  The chair serves the EITI because she believes in its principles. It is her duty to defend those principles and act in the interest of the EITI, which is what she was doing when she wrote to you. There was no breach of her role in her letter.  
Idrissa, Nwadishi and Katende are not worthy of a direct response from Her Majesty?!  
As I re-read Moberg’s letter, I was pissed off like a squirrel with a frozen pine cone. How dare Short respond to them through her secretary! Who the hell does she think she is?! Couldn’t she have had the grace, no! the simple human decency and courtesy to have her secretary draft the letter for her to sign.  Obviously, Short wanted to send Idrissa, Nwadishi and Katende a clear message. She wanted to show them who’s the boss and what it’s all about. She is the Boss and it’s all about mind over matter. Short does not mind and Idrissa, Nwadishi and Katende don’t matter!
I am going to apologize to Idrissa, Nwadishi and Katende in the name of human decency, respect and honor. I have never met them or talked to them, but as fellow Africans I want them to know that their humiliation is my humiliation. My pride as an African was hurt to see them treated that way, but I want them to know that I am mighty proud of them. Their reply to Short’s off-the-wall Open Letter was an example of  rationality, logic and common sense. In their reply, they showed restraint, professionalism, equanimity and intellectual  honesty. They also showed that their generation of Africans will never say, “Yes! Bwana!”, “Whatever you say Bwana!” Short and her ilk should know that the new generation of Africans will not kowtow to anyone.  The days of “yes suh massah” are long gone. All Africans should be proud of Idrissa, Nwadishi and Katende because they showed  dignity and grace in the face of disgrace and outrageous indignity. They did it all in class. Bravissimo! Idrissa, Nwadishi and Katende!
I also plead with Idrissa, Nwadishi and Katende not be overly offended by Short’s repeated injuries and usurpations.  After all, Short worshiped the late Meles Zenawi. In April 2013, Short spoke of her unbounded admiration for Meles "Superman" Zenawi at a memorial service. She said Meles was  “the most intelligent politician I’ve ever met in my life”.  (Tony Blair, Gordon Brown, Harriet Harman, Ed Milliband, David Cameron, John Major, Maggie Thatcher, eat your heart out!) I don’t know about “Meles the Omniscient,” but I have no doubt he was the pick of the litter. Just look around; they are all chasing their tails. 
Meles, like Short, was an arrogant man who “thugged” those who opposed or criticized him. He routinely called his opponents “idiots”, “dirty”, “mud dwellers”, “pompous egotists” and “good-for-nothing chaff and husk.” He also called them names that cannot be repeated in polite company. After Meles jailed Birtukan Midekssa, the first woman political party leader in Ethiopian history, he called her a  “chicken” who has “gained weight (while she was in solitary confinement in prison) due to lack of exercise.” He took sadistic pleasure in humiliating and demeaning parliamentarians who challenged him with probing questions or even merely offered an alternative perspective. His put-downs, sarcasm and jibes were so humiliating and eviscerating that few parliamentarians dared to stand up to his bullying. When the European Union Election Observer Group confronted Meles with the truth about his theft of the May 2010 election by 99.6 percent, Meles condemned the entire EU Group for preparing a “trash report that deserves to be thrown in the garbage.” What can I say? Like demigod, like acolyte!
Did Short “defend EITI principles” or was she a lobbyist/agent for the regime in Ethiopia?
Short via Moberg's reply to Idrissa, Nwadishi and Katende said that she was not being partial to Ethiopia but discharging “her duty to defend [EITI] principles and act in the interest of the EITI” when she wrote her Open Letter. Really?
Was Short defending EITI principles or pandering to the regime in Ethiopia when she wrote the following in her Open Letter: 

I do not accept that the situation for civil society in Ethiopia is worse than a great many of them.

I must add that I find the discussion on Ethiopia to have been unhelpfully influenced by strong voices from a special interest group with perfectly well-meaning intentions but who have too much of a “north telling the south what to do mindset”.

Rejecting Ethiopia’s application will leave Ethiopian civil society with nowhere to go.

I also believe that we should listen to what strikes me as a clear and united voice of civil society in Ethiopia, rather than opposing voices from the Ethiopian diaspora.

There is no doubt in my mind that there is a strong group of activists who mean well but are quick to pick on some African countries which, whilst far from ideal, are no worse on human rights than many other countries.

There is also a serious problem of double standards. For example, removing the Occupy protesters from outside St Paul's Cathedral by force in my own country hardly raised a murmur. The existence of Guantanamo and use of torture has not been mentioned in relation to the US application.

If [EITI] it is seen as a tool of campaigners it will lose effectiveness and support.   
Fall on the sword for what?
Short has fought tooth and nail for the regime’s admission into EITI.  She proclaimed in her Open Letter that she is passionate in her advocacy for admission of the regime in Ethiopia. I respect anyone who has passion for a cause and fights for it, even if I disagree with them. I admire Short for having the balls to stand up for what she believes in. But I do wonder, really wonder! What the price is for her passion? What is the price for Short to fall on the sword for the thugs in Ethiopia? What is the price of Short’s soul?
Who really cares about EITI?
EITI, CCC, EEITI, whatever! Who cares? Who gives a damn!? You can put lipstick on a pig, but it is still a pig. You can put a whole lot of African thugtators in EITI and call them transparent and accountable. At the end of the day, they are still thugtators in designer suits and fancy briefcases.
The suffering, violence and cruelty is going to go on and on in Ethiopia
Short once ruminated, “I think the suffering, violence and cruelty and Guantanamo and the rest is going to go on and on in Iraq.” Well, I feel the same way about Ethiopia. The suffering, violence and cruelty in Ethiopia is going to go on and on. Journalists will be jailed, civil society will be crushed, opposition leaders will be harassed and jailed, dissidents will be kicked around and elections stolen in broad daylight. That will not stop the struggle for peaceful nonviolent change. That will go on and on and on… Ethiopia’s young daughters and sons will rise up and shout out,

We can’t take it anymore! We are hungry! We need freedom! We need freedom! Free Eskinder! Free Andualem!  Free Abubaker! Free Reeyot! Free political prisoners! We need justice! Freedom! Freedom! Freedom! Don’t divide us! Ethiopia is One! One Ethiopia! We can’t take it anymore! We are hungry…”  
Just as Short holds American presidents responsible for the suffering, violence and cruelty in Guantanamo and Iraq, I hold Short responsible as an accessory after the fact for the  decimation of civil society in Ethiopia.  
Clare  Short, “J’Accuse…!”  
“If you shut up truth and bury it under the ground, it will but grow, and gather to itself such explosive power that the day it bursts through it will blow up everything in its way.” Emile Zola  
Professor Alemayehu G. Mariam teaches political science at California State University, San Bernardino and is a practicing defense lawyer.
Previous commentaries by the author are available at:
http://open.salon.com/blog/almariam/
www.huffingtonpost.com/alemayehu-g-mariam/
Amharic translations of recent commentaries by the author may be found at:

Friday, 21 March 2014

Ethiopia: Land, Water Grabs Devastate Communities


Human rights watch 

Satellite Images Show Devastating Toll on 500,000 Pastoralists

(Nairobi) – New satellite imagery shows extensive clearance of land used by indigenous groups to make way for state-run sugar plantations inEthiopia’s Lower Omo Valley, Human Rights Watch and International Rivers said today. Virtually all of the traditional lands of the 7,000-member Bodi indigenous group have been cleared in the last 15 months, without adequate consultation or compensation. Human Rights Watch has also documented the forced resettlement of some indigenous people in the area.

The land clearing is part of a broader Ethiopian government development scheme in the Omo Valley, a United National Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) World Heritage Site, including dam construction, sugar plantations, and commercial agriculture. The project will consume the vast majority of the water in the Omo River basin, potentially devastating the livelihoods of the 500,000 indigenous people in Ethiopia and neighboring Kenya who directly or indirectly rely on the Omo’s waters for their livelihoods.

“Ethiopia can develop its land and resources but it shouldn’t run roughshod over the rights of its indigenous communities,” said Leslie Lefkow, deputy Africa director at Human Rights Watch. “The people who rely on the land for their livelihoods have the right to compensation and the right to reject plans that will completely transform their lives.”

A prerequisite to the government’s development plans for the Lower Omo Valley is the relocation of 150,000 indigenous people who live in the vicinity of the sugar plantations into permanent sedentary villages under the government’s deeply unpopular “villagization” program. Under this program, people are to be moved into sedentary villages and provided with schools, clinics, and other infrastructure. As has been seen in other parts of Ethiopia, these movements are not all voluntary.
Satellite images analyzed by Human Rights Watch show devastating changes to the Lower Omo Valley between November 2010 and January 2013, with large areas originally used for grazing cleared of all vegetation and new roads and irrigation canals crisscrossing the valley. Lands critical for the livelihoods of the agro-pastoralist Bodi and Mursi peoples have been cleared for the sugar plantations. These changes are happening without their consent or compensation, local people told Human Rights Watch. Governments have a duty to consult and cooperate with indigenous people to obtain their free and informed consent prior to the approval of any project affecting their lands or territories and other resources.

The imagery also shows the impact of a rudimentary dam built in July 2012 that diverted the waters of the Omo River into the sugar plantations. Water rapidly built up behind the shoddily built mud structure before breaking it twice. The reservoir created behind the dam forced approximately 200 Bodi families to flee to high ground, leaving behind their crops and their homes.

In a 2012 report Human Rights Watchwarned of the risk to livelihoods and potential for increased conflict and food insecurity if the government continued to clear the land. The report also documented how government security forces used violence and intimidation to make communities in the Lower Omo Valley relocate from their traditional lands, threatening their entire way of life with no compensation or choice of alternative livelihoods.

The development in the Lower Omo Valley depends on the construction upstream of a much larger hydropower dam – the Gibe III, which will regulate river flows to support year-round commercial agriculture.

new film produced by International Rivers, “A Cascade of Development on the Omo River,” reveals how and why the Gibe III will cause hydrological havoc on both sides of the Kenya-Ethiopia border. Most significantly, the changes in river flow caused by the dam and associated irrigated plantations could cause a huge drop in the water levels of Lake Turkana, the world’s largest desert lake and another UNESCO World Heritage site.

Lake Turkana receives 90 percent of its water from the Omo River and is projected to drop by about two meters during the initial filling of the dam, which is estimated to begin around May 2014. If current plans to create new plantations continue to move forward, the lake could drop as much as 16 to 22 meters. The average depth of the lake is just 31 meters.

The river flow past the Gibe III will be almost completely blocked beginning in 2014. According to government documents, it will take up to three years to fill the reservoir, during which the Omo River’s annual flow could drop by as much as 70 percent. After this initial shock, regular dam operations will further devastate ecosystems and local livelihoods. Changes to the river’s flooding regime will harm agricultural yields, prevent the replenishment of important grazing areas, and reduce fish populations, all critical resources for livelihoods of certain indigenous groups.

The government of Ethiopia should halt development of the sugar plantations and the water offtakes until affected indigenous communities have been properly consulted and give their free, prior, and informed consent to the developments, Human Rights Watch and International Rivers said. The impact of all planned developments in the Omo/Turkana basin on indigenous people’s livelihoods should be assessed through a transparent, independent impact assessment process.

“If Ethiopia continues to bulldoze ahead with these developments, it will devastate the livelihoods of half a million people who depend on the Omo River,” said Lori Pottinger, head of International Rivers’ Ethiopia program. “It doesn’t have to be this way – Ethiopia has options for managing this river more sustainably, and pursuing developments that won’t harm the people who call this watershed home.”
 
Background 
Ethiopia’s Lower Omo Valley is one of the most isolated and underdeveloped areas in East Africa. At least eight different groups call the Omo River Valley home and the livelihood of each of these groups is intimately tied to the Omo River and the surrounding lands. Many of the indigenous people that inhabit the valley are agro-pastoralist, growing crops along the Omo River and grazing cattle.

In 2010, Ethiopia announced plans for the construction of Africa’s tallest dam, the 1,870 megawatt Gibe III dam on the Omo River. Controversy has dogged the Gibe III dam ever since. Of all the major funders who considered the dam, only China’s Industrial and Commercial Bank of China (ICBC) provided financing (the World Bank, African Development Bank, and European Investment Bank all declined to fund it, though the World Bank and African Development Bank have financed related power lines).

The Ethiopian government announced even more ambitious plans for the region in 2011, including the development of at least 245,000 hectares of irrigated state-run sugar plantations. Downstream, the water-intensive sugar plantations, will depend on irrigation canals. Although there have been some independent assessments of the Gibe dam project and its impact on river flow and Lake Turkana, to date the Ethiopian government has not published any environmental or social impact assessments for the sugar plantations and other commercial agricultural developments in the Omo valley.

According to the regional government plan for villagization in Lower Omo, the World Bank-supported Pastoral Community Development Project (PCDP) is funding some of the infrastructure in the new villages. Despite concerns over human rights abuses associated with the villagization program that were communicated to Bank management, in December 2013 the World Bank Board approved funding of the third phase of the PCDP III. PCDP III ostensibly provides much-needed services to pastoral communities throughout Ethiopia, but according to government documents PCDP also pays for infrastructure being used in the sedentary villages that pastoralists are being moved to.

The United States Congress in January included language in the 2014 Appropriations Act that puts conditions on US development assistance in the Lower Omo Valley requiring that there should be consultation with local communities; that the assistance “supports initiatives of local communities to improve their livelihoods”; and that no activities should be supported that directly or indirectly involve forced evictions.

However other donors have not publicly raised concerns about Ethiopia’s Lower Omo development plans. Justine Greening, the British Secretary of State for International Development, in 2012 stated that her Department for International Development (DFID) was not able to “substantiate the human rights concerns” in the Lower Omo Valley despite DFID officials hearing these concerns directly from impacted communities in January 2012.